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Go 941 . 5 R81 2j 1921 

Journal of the Royal Society 
of Antiquaries of Ireland 






Series VI, Vol. XI 

Vol. LI 

Part I 

30 June 1921 



Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., Past-President — The Promontory 
Forts of Be are and Bantry — [Continued front T7 ol. L., page 159] 
—Part II. — (Illustrated) . % I. 

Henry S. Crawford, m.r.i.a., Fellow — The Carved Altar and Mural 

Monuments in Sligo Abbey — (Illustrated) . , ', . 17 

W. F. Butler, m.r.i.a., Fellow — -The Pedigree and Succession of the 

House of Mac Carthy Mor, Math a Map . . .* .32 

W. G. Strickland, Hon. Secretary — -The State Coach of the Lord 
Mayor of "Dublin and the State Coach of the Earl of Clare, Lord 
Chancellor of Ireland — (Illustrated) . . . .49 

Goddard H. Orpen, litt.d., m.r.i.a., Fellow — The -Earldom of Ulster — 
[Conti?iued from Vol. L., page 177]. ' I^art V., Inquisitions 
touching Eatoath in Co. Meath . . . . .68 

Miscellanea (Illustrated) . . . . ... 77 

Notices of Books . . . . . 81 

Proceedings . . . . . % . 85- 



192 1 

All Rights Reserved] [Price 6s. net. 





(Formerly the Kilkenny Archaeological Association, and the Royal Historical 
and Archaeological Association of Ireland) 

List of the Volumes, showing the relation between the Consecutive 
Numbers and the Numbers of each of the Six Series ; also the Years for 
which each Volume was issued. 

Consecutive Number 

Number of Series 






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1 OOl. 




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VI I. 











The Volumes marked (*) are now out of print. Some of the remaining Volumes can be supplied 
to Members at the average rate of 10s. each. Odd Parts of some of the foregoing volumes can 
be supplied. The Quarterly Parts of the Fifth Series can be supplied to Members at 3s. each. 

In order to assist Fellows and Members to obtain back numbers of the Journal, the Council have 
decided to offer the volumes for the fifteen years from 1870-1884 at the greatly reduced price of 
£1 for the set. 

PO Box 2270 

Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270 











By Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., Past-President. 

[Continued from Vol. L., page 159.] 

Beare Peninsula consists of a great mass of uptilted, pink slate; 
along the lowest slopes are more fertile tracts with a scanty popu- 
lation, but probably far more numerous than in early times. The 
backbone of great mountains, Slieve Miskish, runs from west to 
east. The chief peaks are Knockagallaun (1,243 ft. high), Miskish 
1,272 ft.), Knockoura (1,610 ft.), and the dominant mass of Knock - 
dayd, absurdly called, since at least 1655, Hungry Hill (2,251 ft.), 
with the lakes and waterfall high up on its eastern shoulders above 
the pillars of Rossmakeowen. Farther eastward, over the wooded 
inlet of Glengariff , is another imposing mountain tastelessly called 
the Sugarloaf (1,887 ft.), merely from the eastward aspect. One of 
the loveliest sights on our coast is when the N.W. wind heaps the 
sea mist against the back of these hills and drives long thin 
streamers through the passes, cutting Hungry Hill in two and blot- 
ting out the towers on the summits of Beare Island with pink and 
orange veils at sunset. Perhaps Knockdayd is the " Sliab 
Diadche " whence St. Brendan is said (in the Booh of Lismore) 
to have seen "the mighty intolerable ocean on every side" 
before his famous voyage. 

Along the Kenmare River lies a wild peninsula between Ard- 
groom and Ballycrovane Harbours, behind the Church of Kil- 




catierin. Three amphitheatres lie round Eyeries, Allihies and 
Garinish villages. Outside of the last lies Dursey Island, and, 
beyond it again, the lonely rocks of the Bull and Cow. On the 
south side are a long slope from Dursey to Pulleen, an amphi- 
theatre round Castletown, and a narrow base to the mountains 
.eastward, on Bantry Bay. 

Doonah (Ordnance Survey Map 101). — In Kilcatierin town- 
land, near Derrycoosaun, is a headland named Doonagh, evi- 
dently once fortified. The old road from Eyeries runs over a 

series of steep knolls, through low but luxuriant woods. Near the 
tall galldn in ' ' Faunkill and the Woods ' ' and the group of whale- 
backed rocks we turn past Ballycrovane. The noble monument 
is one of the finest ogmic obelisks in Ireland, and in a position of 
the rarest beauty, overlooking the islets in the bay to the peaks of 
the great saw-backed wall, ending in Cod's Head. The stone is 
17 ft. 6 in. high (not 25 ft., as given by Sir Samuel Ferguson); the 
inscription, as Professor Macalister (whom I have to thank for his 
excellent photographs 1 ) notes, was cut, after its erection, from 
two standing places. It is in perfect preservation, reading, " Maqi 
Deceddas avi Turanias " — " Mac Decet, grandson of (the lady) 
Toranias." The first name is not uncommon, occurring on three 

(Described supra, Vol. L., p. 158.) 

1 Supra, Vol. L., p. 151. 


oghams in Kerry, and others at Killeen Cormaic, Co. Kildare, 
Devonshire and Anglesea. The, grammar is most archaic; the 
name is almost certainly connected with the ancient Clanna De- 
gaid, if indeed it be net (like the Dunquin " Dovinia " pillar), a 
sort of ex voto to the tribe's divine ancestor Deche, Degad or 
Deda, 2 and a goddess Torania, perhaps connected with the Ui 
Thorna of Odorney in Kerry, if not with the god Taranis, 3 as the 
•Corca Duibne were with Duben. 

We next pass Kilcatierin Church, the Kilcateryn of 1302. It 
occupies an early (if not pre-Christian) ring wall of large, regular 
blocks, fairly coursed. The segments to the S.W., S., and S.E. are 
well preserved and 5 ft. to over 6 ft. high. An early cross, with 
lofty tapering upper limb and short arms, stands to the S.E. of the 
church, and is 5 ft. 6 in. high and 2 ft. 6 in. across the arms. The 
church, has an early round-headed east light (the jambs slightly 

splayed, recessed and chamfered round the head, sides and sill), 
and the old inner jambs. The splay arch is late, of the same poor 
flagstone flat arching as the other features. The s6uth door has a 
shapeless, somewhat pointed arch, the older jambs had a rounded 
edge, the " iron cat " corbel west of it was hidden by vegetation. 
The upper parts of the gables and patches of the wall are rebuilt, 
most of the north side has fallen. The haunches of the rebuilt 
west gable were raised to shelter the roof. It has a lintelled 
window slit, with a slight relieving arch. There is a lintelled 
ambrey in the north wall near the east end, and a pointed recess of 
bad and irregular arching ; unstopped putlog holes appear outside. 
The south window was also lintelled. 

Going westward and following the steep lane over the ridge, 

2 Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxiv., pp. 159-162. 

3 No evidence of the worship of Taranis seems to exist in old Irish 
Literature. Professor Macalister seems to have established the error 
•of the identity with " Etherun, Idol of the Britons." 



another magnificent view of the Kenmare estuary and the moun- 
tains beyond it, from Carran Tuohill and the Reeks, westward to> 
Derrynane and out to the Skellig Rocks. The road passes a 
natural scarp which (we were told) is called ' ' Firenablair, ' ' a bar- 
barous name, explained as from a circular dint in the face of the 
cliff, where a warship (or admiral) " Blair " fired on it in the past. 
Down the hills three parallel ridges lie between the road and the 
sea. " The Coosaun," or Derrycoosaun, the outer glen, has steep 
cliffs and rich vegetation of oak scrub and hollies such as Bishop 
Downes 4 noted in Beare in 1701. The sea at one point has cut 


a natural arch through the ridge and churns unexpectedly in a 
little basin. The headlands of the northern ridge to the west are 
covered with loose stones, but not fortified, nor do any hut rings 

Doonagh is a bold headland, sloping northward, and nearly cut 
off by a narrow chasm (along a line of cleavage), only a narrow 
neck or natural arch joining it to the land. I think there are traces 

4 Cork Hist, and Arch. Journal, xv, p. 162. The Bishop alludes to 
birch, hazel, crabtrees, fern, furze and holly. He adds " holly seems to* 
thrive better than the rest." 


of a wall foundation, but, if so, very slight. Generally speaking, 
it: closely resembles Gouladoo, hereafter described. As I shall 
-often have occasion to note, dry stone walls of small blocks get 
easily obliterated, especially from such bare crags. The well- 
attested cases of Spinkadoon and Doonadell, Gubadoon and Doon- 
agappul in Mayo; Moher, Duneeva, George's Head, and Doon- 
aunroe, in Co. Clare; Clashmelchon " Lisheen " and Doonroe 
(Valencia), in Kerry, suffice to establish this. It is the rule in 
Beare Barony. 

Cloghfune (O.S. 127). — By a wide circuit from Kilcatierin 
past Castletown we reach the Allihies amphitheatre with a noble 
view of the other face of the bold ridge at Cod's Head. On the 
western horn are picturesque cliffs and coves, with fringes of ivy 
and bushes, in the townland of Cloghfune. Cloghfoone, or Clogh- 
fme, was held (as we noted) by Owen O' Sullivan Beare in 1616. 5 
It is Cloghfone, or Cloghfooane, on the Down Survey Map (12) 
forty years later, being then " held by Daniel Sullivan Beare, 
Irish Papist." 6 It passed to Lord Anglesea, William Paget, the 
5th Baron, who at first supported the Parliament, but joined King 
Charles and commanded a regiment at Edgehill in 1642. In duo 
time this brought him confirmation in his Irish lands from Charles 
II. Allihies is a centre of a group of excellent copper mines. 
Bishop Downes notes 7 an iron mine near Kil(na)manah (at the 
village) was held by a Mr. Wallis in 1700. Lady Chatterton 8 gives 
a pleasing (somewhat condensed) view of the place in 1839. John 
Windele found them owned by John Lavallin Puxley in 1840. 9 
Lady Chatterton, unfortunately, confines her notes to very dismal 
stories of the local peasantry. The mines have been worked once 
more in recent years during the great war. 

The Rock Fort. — We first reach a nameless, but picturesque, 
little rock fort, of the type of Dermot's Rock in North Kerry, Doon- 
eendermotmore in Co. Cork, and the Bailey Rock at the present 
lighthouse on Howth. In the Cloghfune Fort the eastern rampart 
and most of the garth have vanished in a landslip, 10 but so long ago 
that the slope is grassy. A steep path leads beside a little stream 
down and up the natural deep hollow in the neck to a narrow gate 
of which a small side pier, an upright block of the right jamb, re- 

5 Inq. Chancery, Jas. I., No. 43. 

6 Book of Distribution, p. 112. 

7 Cork Hist, and Arch. Journal, xv., p. 164. 

8 Bumbles in the South of Ireland (1839), i, p. 75. 

9 Windele, Topography of Cork, dec, (B. I. A., C. 12, 17), p. 17. 

10 So the works at Dunacappul, in Achill, and Duntragha, on Clare 
Island, have disappeared. The last is described under the name Dun- 
traneen (recte Duntraga, or Dun Traighin), of the Strand, or little 
Strand. See Proc. B. I. Acad., xxxi. (2), p. 21; (3) p. 18. It is Duntrane 
of Bald's Man, 1813. 


mains beside the gap. The rampart rests on a soling " of large 
blocks, a single layer, and rises 6 ft. to 7 ft. high, or about 4 ft. 
over what is left of the garth. The fort was oval in plan. The 
soling layer 11 resembles that at the similar rock-forts of Dunallia 
in Co. Mayo and Illaunadoon in Co. Clare. It is strange to see so 
small a platform utilized for refuge, but one recalls those at Doona- 
neanir in Mayo and Cooshaneimme in Co. Waterford, not to speak 
of the little spurs near Ballyvooney in that county and Oughtmin- 
nee, near Three Castle Head, all smaller than the fort of Cloghfune. 

Dooneen. — The name appears on the maps of 1845; the site is 
very similar to the other " Dooneen," in Garranes, at the opposite 
side of the Beare peninsula. The place closely recalls the group 
near Dugort in Achill, 12 though in reverse order, where we have an 
entrenched headland, a bare rocky spur, denuded by a landslip, 
but marked as a lost fort by its name Doonagappul, and the forti- 
fied rock of Doonmore. In the case at Cloghfune the bare, inter- 
vening headland is nameless. Dooneen was a fine specimen of 
the normal entrenched headland and of considerable strength. 
The fort garth slopes northward, and consists of a rich nearly oblong 
field. Across the neck a fosse and high earthwork were made ; the 
works are very slightly curved, and some farmer has dug away 
most of the great mound for over 100 ft. from the west, nearly 
filling the fosse. The eastern end remains, bushy with heather, 
for about 25 ft. long to the edge of the cliff. It rises 15 ft. to over 
17 ft. above the fosse, and 9 ft. to 10 ft. over the garth; the fosse 
as usual deepens towards the cliff from 6 ft. to perhaps 10 ft. The 
mound is 9 ft. thick on top and 27 ft. thick below ; it has no remains 
of stone facing though very steep. The fosse is 15 ft. wide in the 
bottom, and is about 7 ft. below the outer field and 9 ft. 6 in. under 
the top of the outer mound, which was about 4 ft. high and much 
defaced by a modern fence. It was faced by fairly large slabs, 
and is in parts nearly perpendicular. I saw no other fortified 
headland along the low cliffs northward. 

The Allihies amphitheatre is entered on the south by a pictur- 
esque pass under Knockingroagh Hill. One notes in this district 
the magnificent bosses of a rich pink mezembryanthemum on the 
dry stone houses; it recurs on Beare Island, but I did not see 
any about Castletown and Eyeries. The other mountain road from 
Castletown crosses the mountains past Cafieraphuca and Caher- 
meelebo, and a third old track to the N.E>. (probably the oldest 
route, being marked in places by gallans) is called locally the Coona- 
coura pass. I did not hear of or see any other fortified headlands, 
but there is a Dangan rock and a field called Dooneen on the low 
shore west from Allihies. 

11 This and the fort are seen beyond the fosse in the illustration, 
Plate I. 

12 Journal, supra xliv, pp. 417. 

Plate I] 

[To face page 6 


(Rock Fort seen over Creek). 


Billeragh (O.S. 126).— Cut off by the Foher Eidge and Keem 
Point from the last district, we reach through another bold pass in 
Leehanemore, the little bays and White Strand under Garinish. 
A low headland has a tumbled, slight stone wall across its neck 
from a little cleft. It is in the townland of Billeragh, and seems 
so suitable for fortification that, knowing how completely ancient 
stone works can be effaced, I think it best to note it without asser- 
tion. Whatever be its origin, the name Billeragh suggests a 
possible venerated tree, Bile, the name Billaghbuye being found 
in 1618, and perhaps (like Dunbwy) referring to Baei or Bui. 
Billyragh itself is also found in the same Inquisition. A " Bile 
ratha " (tree of the fort) is mentioned in the poem of " The King 
and the Hermit " (of the seventh century) 13 and elsewhere. 

Dursey Island (O.S. 126). — Turning westward from the White 
Strand, past the village and graveyard of Garinish, the road winds 
round a bluff to the ferry on Dursey Sound. What the " Doors " 
may have been which were supposed to give the island, its later 
name I do not know — probably the bold clefts of Illanebeg, where 
the castle (and perhaps an earlier fort) once stood. The present 
name is at least as old as 1339 (Dorrosey), and recurs in many 
variant forms in the foreign maps of that and the two following 
centuries. 14 Father Hogan 15 was told by certain O Sullivans there 
that Baoi Bherre was Dursey, but uses it for the Beare peninsula 
and Beare Island. Philip Sullivan Beare 16 calls it " Bea 
Insula, in qua sum ipse natus." John Windele asserts that 
Buidhe Bearra is the name of Dursey," and adds that he doubts 
this, and thinks that place really lay near Dun Buidhe, DAeit) : 
" Here is the Leac na Cineamhoine, or wishing stone, which pro- 
jects over the sea. Any person stretching on it will obtain his 
wish, but it is impossible to do so. " 17 Cox says the name is Insula 
Bea (1695-1710), but the Baoi names are used rather loosely, and 
Oilean Baoi may be Beare Island. A legend of Diarmaid and 
Grainne alludes to it (whatever be its date). " I am Diarmaid of 
the yew tree of Connacht and of Dursey and Bearehaven " (says 
the famous hero, who " lost all for love "). "I am the foster son 
of Oengus of the Brug," 18 as another Oengus and his son, Eogan 
Taidleach, were of Net and Nuada. Whether such local names 
refer to Diarmaid as Coosdermit, a couple of miles eastward 
from Dursey, and Darriheendermot on the S.E. slope of Hungry 
Hill, I cannot decide, for the name was common among the 
O Sullivans. Philip O Sullivan Beare, the historian, tells us how 

13 By Marban (ed. Kuno Meyer, from Harleian MS. 528, f. 42b, p. 12). 
u Proc. B. I. Acad., xxx, p. 417. 

15 Onom. Goedel, p. 683, cf. pp. 73, 95. 

16 History of the Irish Catholics, i, 1, 4. 

17 Topog. Co. Cork W.and N.E. (MS. R.I. A.), p. 864 

18 Bevue Celt, xxii, p. 175. 


his grandfather, Dermot O i Sullivan Beare, took a Spanish and an 
English ship off the Durseys, hanging the captain of the second. 
It was this Dermot who died the then unusual death of being blown 
up in 1549. Philip says Dursey fort had no cannon or fortifications, 
and that the English in 1602 dismantled it, burned the church and 
houses, speared the unarmed garrison, killing the women and 
children. 19 Such acts were commonplaces of the 16th and 17th 
century warfare, as they, alas ! seem to recur in our time, despite 
" conferences " and defined " laws " of warfare. The English, 
during the siege of Dunboy, tell how, while the Irish were absorbed 
in its siege, Carew determined to surprise Dursey Castle, which 
was intended as the last refuge of the Sullivans. It was held by 
40 picked men, with three Spanish cannon, under command of 
Conor, son of Sir Finghin Driscoll (a weak old man, the " Mr. 
Facing-both-ways " of West Cork). The position was very strong, 
consisting of an inner and outer ward, separated from the main- 
land and nearly cut off from each other by deep chasms. 

On 12 June, 1602, 20 Capt. Bostock, Lieut. Downing, Owen 
O Sullivan, Thomas Fleming, and an unnamed officer of Sir Francis 
Berkeley landed an infantry force at two points. Downing seized 
on the chapel near the Castle and used it as a fort while Bostock 
fired on the garrison from the sea. The English then stormed the 
outer ward. O Driscoll made a gallant defence, but had to retreat 
into the inner ward and offer to surrender. He gave up Owen 
O Sullivan's wife, who was a prisoner there, munitions, guns, and 
500 cows, which were removed. O Driscoll got permission to go 
to Spain with several other leading men, 21 and by Carew 's orders 
Downing was left " to ruine the Castle and lay it even with the 
ground." No contemporary document tells of any executions, as 
the papers do so freely elsewhere, as when Dunboy was taken a 
little later and on other occasions. 

In 1700 Bishop Downes visited it and saw " a chapel on the 
Island of Dorses called Kilmichil "; but it was more probably the 
one near the middle of the island, not the little one near the Castle. 
The place is now called Illanebeg. The 1845 map marks a draw- 
bridge " site " at the landward chasm and an oblong enclosure, 
with a house at its N.W. corner, and two other houses, all in the 
outer ward. There only seems to be a long line of blocks, a foun- 
dation of the courtyard, at the upper and higher (west) end of the 
ward. The inner ward shows no remains; it is joined to the outer 
by a narrow natural arch, and is nearly cut in two by another creek 
or collapsed cave. As at Downings and Leek Castle, the draw- 

19 Loc. cit., p. 77. See, however, Journal, xl, p. 198, for an error of 
this Philip. 

20 Pacata Hib., in, eh. viii. 

21 Cal. Carew MSS., no. 205, p. 242, for list of fugitives " in the ship 
of Gallway which they took at the Dorsies laden with wine and wheat." 


•bridge piers seem to have fallen away. Good examples, however, 
remain at Ballingarry, Co. Kerry, 22 and Dunowen Castle in this 

The walls of a featureless little building, a chapel which was 
used in the siege of the Castle and is now a burial vault, stand in the 
■small walled graveyard near the gully. 

The long point of Reen, ending in Crow Head, projects from the 
mainland at the S.W. end of the Sound. The Creek and Cave of 
Ooosnapiasty was, from its name, the reputed lair of a sea dragon; 
further out on the north cliffs we find the suggestive name Aita- 
gallaun, but could see no pillar stones. 

South of Reen, not far from the pass, is Firkeel Bay. The map 
shows what looks like an entrenched headland at Stallion's Creek, 
but the " fosse " is only a square-cut break, with two others, at 
" the romantic chasm that slanted down " to the sea in Leehane- 
feeg. 23 Another apparent entrenchment is across the outer part of 
White Ball Head. It is really a natural, stratified mass, rising 
5 or 6 feet between two parallel grassy hollows. I saw no trace 
of human work on it. " Thunderbolt Hole," 24 near it, is a col- 
lapsed cave. The cliff scenery is very fine all along this reach of 

Dunruad (O.S. 127). — Black Ball Head is evidently named 
from a conspicuous rounded knob of dark slate. On the summit is 
an old " telegraph tower " of the Napoleonic period. The coves to 
either side, " Bunnadoonroe " and " Coosbunnadoonroe, " to- 
gether with the scattered blocks and the character of the platform, 
show the strongest cause for regarding it as the site of a headland 
fort, Dunruad, " the Red Fort." 25 As at Moher, Co. Clare, and 
elsewhere, the late buildings have apparently absorbed all trace 
of the stone fort. It is in Canalogh townland; the creek not far 
eastward is called Cooshananima from some ghost, and, farther 
on, is another, Cooshdangan, but its little headland seems to be 

Dooneen Garranes (O.S. 127). — We pass the galldns (the upper 
a fine, tall one, is on a ridge at Knockroe School), and, about two 
miles east from Black Ball Head, pass by an old side road and a 

22 See view Journal, supra, xl, p. 99. 

23 Loghanebeg was held in 1637 by Daniel Buy Mac Morihertagh 
O Sullivan of Leitrim (Inq. Chancery, Car. I., No. 421), his only son 
Dermot, having died, it passed to the daughters. In 1655 it belonged to 
Philip Sullivan (Book of Distrib., p. 113; Down Survey Map, 112). It 
is pronounced and even spelled " Leehanebeg " and its neighbour 
" Leehanemore." 

24 So the " Thunder Holes " in Co. Clare and the Poulashantonas 
there and in Co. Mayo are caves with portions of the roofs collapsed. 

25 The popular idea that the term " red " implies an ancient 
slaughter is at least old, for it occurs in the Tain bo Flidais (ed. Mac- 
kinnon in Celtic Beview, i.-iv), where Rath ruad in Tirawley is called 
after the slaughter of its defenders by Queen Medb's soldiers (Journal, 
xliv., p. 153). 


stream gully to a beautiful view of the cliffs in Garranes. The- 
short headland, called Dooneen, closely resembles its namesake 
in Cloghfune, but (so far as I can judge) the fence, straight across- 
its neck, is modern, or at least entirely remodelled. Perhaps it 
had a stone wall (as so often) removed for building purposes. 

This completes the scanty list of nearly effaced fortifications on 
the headlands beyond Bearehaven. Returning to the main road, 
a narrow pass, Bealnagour, brings us to a beautiful view. The 
road sweeps round another amphitheatre past the Gour ogmic 
stone, with its pathetic epitaph, " Cari." Below us lie Cahergar- 
riff and the seven blue lakelets of Pulleen (farther on we get a 
glimpse of the little harbour), and beyond the fringe of dark woods, 
at Dunboy, lies the Haven of Beare. Great masses of pink and 
violet mountains flank the view ; to our left rises Slieve Miskish,. 
with the old gallan-marked pass 26 to Allihies and its mines. 
Hungry Hill and the bronzed green hills of Beare Island frame a 
view of the inner reach of Bantry Bay, only broken by the white 
lighthouse on the Seal Rocks. 

On the West Sound, opposite to Doonagall and the old light- 
house, is a square headland, with some striking pyramidal rocks, 
" The Pipers," beside it. Though very suitable for fortification, 
there is neither name nor trace to give it claim to be classed as a 
promontory fort. 27 As I have noted, the population was probably 
very scanty in early times, and Dunboy and Beare afforded more 
desirable sites. 

Dunboy (O.S. 128). — It may be considered as precarious to 
regard any place at Dunboy as a promontory fort, but Pacata 
Hibernia certainly describes some sort of fortified headland there. 
As we have seen, the place bears the name of Baoi or Bui, clearly 
a supernatural lady, who saved from death Core, son of Cairbre 
Muse. A modern writer depicts her as a benevolent nurse, who> 
saved the child by sea-bathing and other prosaic hygienics ! but 
our " only authority " makes her charm the taint of the child's 
birth into a wonderful animal which swam out to sea and became 
a rock. Euhemerising has always been a failure. 

In June, 1602, 28 Carew's army seized " a place naturally formed 
like a platform and parapetted with an old ditch." Here they 
placed two guns commanding the main shore, 100 paces distant. 
It was called " Donghe Irish." The account, however, is hard to- 
follow so as to locate the spot. The maps show the two guns on 

26 Pillar stones seem not infrequently to mark a pass — e.g., Barna- 
waddera in the Comeraghs, Co. Waterford; Kiltrellig, Ballinskelligs 
Bay, Co. Kerry; Kilmoon, Co. Clare. 

27 The only headlands noted .by me as certainly without trace of forti- 
fication in Connacht and Munster are Nalhea in Aran; Shee Head^ 
Beare Island; Gokane and Flat Head in Southern Co. Cork. 

28 Pacata Hibernia, Book iii, ch. vii. 


the point next to the Castle; the text seems to confuse the spot 
with " Little Island " (i.e., Dinish), where no works remain, and 
which is at least 450 ft. from the main shore and a quarter of a mile 
from the Castle. Was this a slip of memory in notes taken in the 
stress of so exciting a fortnight? The President passed round the 
little island and landed " in the Maine," out of sight of the sandy 
bay, which the Irish had palisaded to oppose his landing, so up- 
setting all their plans. He planted the guns on the parapetted 
platform, apparently of Dinish, but, as the context implies, on 
the " Maine," divided from the sandy bay by " a gurt or cleft 
rock made by the sea, which ran far up into the land." This can 
only be the long creek running back to the gate lodge of Dunboy. 
Yet the sandy bay was to the north of it, so I cannot but fancy the 
short creek at Castletown is confused with the long creek, and so 
perhaps we should prefer the graphic evidence of the two maps to 
the later account in the Pacata. 29 

If I am right, it may be the rock platform at the garden and 
point north of the modern Castle. The long " cut," partly across 
its neck, from the creek may have been connected with the old 
fort, and the latter may have been the dun of Bui. " Ditch " 
may also mean a fence, but, if a " fort," the platform, being low 
and accessible from the water, may well have had a rampart round 
its edge, and been still called by an old fort name resembling " Dun 
Irish. " The lowness is no objection when we recall the even lower 
Dungoora, in Co. Galway, Anneville, on Inchiquin Lake, Co. Clare, 
and Porth in the Mullet, Co. Mayo. 

Beare Island (O.S. 128). — We have noted the legends, so need 
only say that the island is about 5 miles long, with three hills along 
the southern side. The western, crowned with the old Telegraph 
Tower, is 696 ft. high, Knockanally is 897 ft., Coomastopka 819 ft., 
Cloonaghlin 814 ft., and the eastern hill 871 ft., with a martello 
tower and disused fort. At the east end is the chief village, 
Rerrin, and the hamlet of Cloonaghlin, while Ballinakilla lies in 
the middle of the island. A modern fort and camp, with other 
defences of the West Sound during the war, lie near the ferry from 
Castletown, facing Dunboy. 

Doonagall. — A winding path, not far from the western cliffs, 
runs from the fort to the old lighthouse. Shortly before reaching 
the ridge above the latter, we turn aside down the slope and see, in 
a curve of the cliffs, with a shingle beach, a platform of rock of a 
very irregular plan, a deep gully cutting into it and two natural 
arches piercing its south wing. It bears the name " Doonigar, " 
but the sea rock to the south of it is called Illaundoonagall. If the 
first is not a phonetic slip for " Doonagall," it has an equivalent in 

For the Siege and Castle see Appendix " B," infra. 


the name of the remarkable " acropolis " in Glencurraun, Co. 
Clare, the " Cashlaun Gar." The name Doonagall, " the 
foreigner's fort," is found in an Inquisition on Beare Island, April, 
1624, " the ferry near Downygall, on Insula Magna," and 
" Downygawell, held by Patrick Tyrry." The other ferry was 
" Callagh Rahe," on which free passage and 13s. 4d. was reserved 
to Lord Courcey of Kinsale. 30 A coast castle " Donnegall " is 
named among those between Dunboy and Downeen, taken in July, 
1602, by Captain Roger Harvey, 31 but it is perhaps a different place. 

The platform is, I think, inaccessible from the land side, but 
-can be reached from a boat. Mr. John Power (whose name will 

'be recalled in connection with the late Mr. Richard Ussher's exca- 
vations in various Irish caves) kindly helped me to get the requisite 
information. There is apparently no trace of fencing or of human 
•occupation save the name. The platform was perhaps sufficiently 
well defended by the chasm 70 ft. or 80 ft. deep, and probably rock 
Mis obliterated slight works along the edge. 32 We find the edges 
fenced in many other such platform forts like Doon Ooghaniska and 
Dunnahineena, in the Mayo Islands ; Illaunadoon and Horse 

30 Along with the ferry near Kinsale. For the De Courceys of Kinsale 
see Proc. B. I. Acad., vol xxxii, pp. 118-119. 

31 Zoc. cit., ch. x, Book hi, and Cat. Carew MSS. (1601-3), p. 267. 

32 Dimseverick, in Antrim, a fort famous in the Tain bo Cualnge and 
•our earliest tradition, has (I think) no trace of early fencing round its 
cliff-girt platform. 


Island, in Co. Clare; Dooneendermotmore and others, in Cork; and 
the great Illaun Brie, in Co. Waterford. Those at Dunminulla 
in Mayo and elsewhere have clearly lost their fences by such rock 
slips. So many such forts have no trace of huts that nothing can- 
be argued from their absence in Doonagall. 

The little headland of red slate between it and the Beacon Tower 
is too small and broken to have been a fort, and, if the platform at 
the Tower was one (such sites 33 are occasionally fenced with a 
strange disregard for being overhung), all trace has been absorbed 
by the modern buildings. Unlike Doonigar, there is no fort name 
attached to these last sites. 

The next large headland on the south cliffs is called Shee Head r 
which is temptingly suggestive of a Sid or " fairy's (god's) fort," 
I could not see the slightest trace to suggest that its neck was ever 
fortified; perhaps its next neighbours to either side sufficed for 
refuge to the scanty ancient population. 

Going along the " upward, rugged precipices, enmossed " and 
heathered above it, a most rough and weary toil, I found a fallen 
galldn, 8 ft. 2 in. x 21 in. x 17 in., with a large rounded mass of 
sandstone and other blocks near it, on a natural terrace. Crossing 
through thickets of bog myrtles and marshy runnels, and over rocky 
shoulders of pink and purple slate, we reach a spur of Coomastooka. 

Dunbeg, Greenane. — The spur runs boldly out into the sea, 
forming a large headland, called Dunbeg. The name is said to 
belong to a slight circular hollow, " the little fort," kerbed round 
its southern segment by a ring of fairly large blocks. It lies in 
the dip of the neck, under the ridge of the landward rise. Captain 
Keogh, in his Short Account, 34, says: — "The hill of Doonbeg 
. . . . was evidently at one time the great stronghold of Bear 
Island . . . Its little stone circle was, therefore, the place of wor- 
ship, just outside the fortress." To which the garrison went on 
church parade." Of course, such a fortress in old times was- 
not a " garrison, ' ' but a refuge for the people and their cattle during 
raids. Though some rings are undoubtedly ceremonial, the little 
rings outside the main works of promontory forts are more likely 
to be sepulchral (like the disc barrows on George's Head), or guard 
houses and cattle pens, as at Doonaunroe, 35 Brumore, and Pookee- 
nee. None occurs before Doonmore in Corcaguiny, the promontory 
fort which has perhaps most claim to be a sanctuary. 36 

Dunbeg almost postulates a Dunmore, which in this case is 

33 As Dunadearg, Co. Mayo, and Caherlisaniska, Co. Clare. (Journal, 
vol. xlii, p. 209; vol. xli, pp. 356-7.) 

34 Loc. ext., p. 8. 

35 I have recently found the foundation of a small house ring (55 ft. to 
68 ft. over all) on the rising field west of the fort. There was no wall 
remaining there in 1875. 

36 Journal, vol. xl, p. 291. 


probably the main headland. Captain FitzPatrick, I believe, first 
noted the straight line of blocks beyond the little circle and partly 
across the neck. So far as I can judge, this is evidently the trace 
of a long wall, more or less straight, but nearly all removed save 
some overgrown heaps of debris and a line of set blocks here and 
there running east and west. It ends at a shallow fosse-like 
hollow and a slight rock scarp ; how far these last are artificial I 
cannot decide. I saw no hut sites inside. The older maps slightly 
indicate a wall. 

The name Greenane, more than probably, as popular belief 
suggests, represents the griandn of Edaoin in the Battle of Magh 
Leana." 37 ' " The pleasant griandn also remains where the sweet- 
stringed timpan lute was heard." Edaoin sings this to her favour- 
ite, Eogan " Mog Nuadat," and mentions its " adorned chess- 
board" and "its noble couch." In the parallel story, " Tochmarch 
Momera," the griandn of Inis Grecraige is called " Dun Corcan in 
West Munster. " In 1618 the Inquisition on the death of Sulli- 
van Beare names a " a Dun crey " with Greenaun and Clonaghlin, 
but as there is trace of a ring fort in Greenaun and one, Killeenagh, 
a burial-ring in Clonaghlin, we have no authority to identify these 
names with Dunbeg. Greenaun is named in a settlement of 
O Sullivan Beare in 1591. 38 

Other Remains. — Up the slope behind and to the S.W. of Bal- 
linakilla School are the Rinna galldns. There were three or four 
such stones. One is complete; it is said to have been thrown by 
a giant from Maulin Mountain, 39 some four males to the north of it. 
It was once carried away for building purposes, but returned in the 
night to its old site. Only the stumps of the other two remain. 
Captain Keogh 40 regards the hollow round it as a track of ancient 
usage of " ceremonial drill," but, though there can be little doubt 
that ceremonial dances were a usual rite at " stones of worship," 41 
it is more likely that the circular space round the Rinna pillar was 
made by cattle or goats. Another pillar stood at Rinna in the 

37 Loc. ext., p. 51. The " grianan " is named " Dun Corcan in W. 
Munster " in the Tochmarch Momera (ibid., p. 165). O'Curry suggests 
(after confessing he does not know) that it is Dun na mbarc in Corca 
Duibhne, but gives not the slightest reason. 

38 Inq. Chancery, Jas. I., No. 43. Also the 1608 Inquis. and Hermann 
Moll's Map, Down Survey, etc. 

39 Similar tales were told at Howth, Co. Dublin, Downpatrick, in Mayo 
and many other places. 

40 Short Account, pp. 7-8. 

41 Of. the noteworthy tale in the Life of St. Sampson, Bishop of Dol, 
about a.d. 550, cited in De Jubainville's Le Culte de menhirs. The 
peasants dance like bacchantes round a pillar; he later on cut a cross 
in lapide stante. There are, of course, many " dance " traditions. I 
have often cited Professor Boyd Dawkins' discovery of a " wooden 
way " laid round a burial mound, presumably for processions or dances, 
the processions round the conjoined tumuli at Knockainey, Co. 
Limerick, and " the hosts that go round the cairns " in an early poem. 


memory of old people. I saw the stumps of two other pillars 
between the two roads east from the school. Each was under a 
yard high. On the eastern ridge of Coomastooka is a fine and con- 
spicuous galldn, 10 ft. high, of somewhat irregular outline. 

Clonaghlin. — Captain Keogh 42 also notes " near Clonaghlin 
Point we find, jutting out into the sea, what looks at first sight like 
part of an ancient fort with a ditch round it. Several people had 
pointed this out as a Dane's fort, but I am inclined to think its 
strange appearance is entirely due to natural causes." He goes 
on to speak of a real (ring) fort, used for burials, at Killeenagh, or 
Killemlagh, near Cloonaghlin village, and " virtually on the same 
headland." I found no such object, natural or artificial, on Clon- 
aghlin Head, or the two lesser projections facing westward below 
the old battery near Clonaghlin, nor indeed along the coast below 
Greenaun, from them back to Dunbeg. I had not time to examine 
the coast east of the battery near the village and killeen. I saw, 
•east of Rerrin and Leahorn's Point, a mound, regular, but I think 
natural, near Tbnahan Harbour, and, northward, another regular 
knoll, but could not examine them closely on my two visits for 
lack of time. 

Ardaragh. — In Ardaragh townland, near Rerrin village, is a 
fine dolmen. It was first noted by Windele. 43 The misleading 


plan he gives was by Denis Murphy, a builder of Bantry, about 
1849. The monument stands beside the lane leading to the naval 
rifle range, and, strange to say, has been most inexcusably omitted 
by the surveyors both on the old and the new. maps. It was first 
fully described by Borlase in 1895, and consists of 14 stones with 
two covers. The west end has the unusual feature of a sort of 
portico of two stones leaning towards each other till they touch; 
the northern (says Windele) is 10 ft. x 2 ft., the southern 9 ft. x 3 ft. 
The cover inclines westward. Borlase planned it ; he gives the end 

42 Short Account, p. 7. 

43 Topog. Cork W. and N.E., p. 864. 


slabs as 11| ft. x 3 ft. x 8 ft. (northern) and 8 ft. 6 in. x 3 ft. 4 in. x 
9 in. (southern). The west porch is 8 ft. x 4 ft. ; the slab between 
it and the main cist is 8 ft. x 5 ft. x 6 in. ; the east cell is much 
ruined; it was about 13 ft. long. Borlase u notes its likeness to 
the dolmen near Evora in Portugal and to one in Glenmalin in 
Donegal; so also the overhanging covers of the dolmens in Co. 
Clare are also very suggestive of those in the Iberian peninsula. 
I give the excellent photographs taken by Col. Guildford Jaok 
Stacpoole, and adapt Borlase 's careful plan. I am, told there are 
traces of shore settlement at this eastern end, but the length of 
the island, poor health, the tropical weather, and the early hour 
at which the last ferry returned to Castletown made my visits 
beyond Dunbeg toilsome, hurried and unsatisfactory, while later 
events prevented another visit. I must commend to local workers 
the task of leisurely research and collection of folklore, avoiding 
leading questions and valueless " schoolmaster-inspired " (or 
worse, " tourist-inspired ") legends. All antiquities found should 
be carefully marked, preferably on the large scale maps. 

(To be continued.) 

Dolmens of Ireland, vol. i., p. 41. 

Plate II] [To face page 


By Henry S. Crawford, m.r.i.a., Fellow. 

[Read 28 October, 1919.] 

The Abbey, or Dominican Friary of Sligo, is well known as one of 
the finest of Irish monastic buildings. It has often been noticed 
and described, especially by the late Dr. Cochrane in The Report 
of the Commissioners of Public Works for 1913-14; where its 
history and architecture are dealt with at some length, and the 
buildings illustrated. The architecture presents many features of 
unusual interest; for instance, the beautiful cloister arcade, the 
elliptical arch between the south aisle and transept, and the re- 
mains of the Rood Screen and of the Reader's Desk in the refectory. 

Dr. Cochrane also gives some particulars of the altar and mural 
monuments, but without illustrating them; an omission which I 
now endeavour to make good. The description which accompanies 
the illustrations must necessarily be to some extent a repetition, 
though many details are added. The monuments are also noticed, 
and illustrated on a small scale, in The Journal of the Association 
for the Preservation of the Memorials of the Dead for 1914, 1 where 
some of the following particulars will be found. 

The altar is remarkable for its size, its state of preservation, 
and because it is almost the only carved example now remaining 
in connection with any ancient Irish monastic church. The other 
altars which still exist are plain in character; as, for instance, 
that at Holycross Abbey. 2 The front is the decorated portion; it 
is 11 feet 9 inches in length, 3 feet 3 inches in height, and is divided 
into nine shallow panels with cusped ogee heads and fifteenth 
century carving of graceful form. 

The design varies in each compartment, and some antiquaries 
have thought that those in the central and following division 
represent wheat and grapes, thus symbolising the Eucharist. A 
rose is carved in the centre of the seventh panel and a triquetra in 

1 That is, vol. ix, pp. 156-162. I shall refer to this publication as 
Journal A. P. M. D. 

2 The Inspector of National Monuments has recently found and re- 
erected the stones of a carved altar and of a mural monument in Strade 
Abbey, County Mayo. 

( 17 ) 



one of the cusps of the eighth. These panels are shown on a large 
scale in the upper figure of Plate III. ; the lower gives the complete 

The table is formed of five slabs with moulded edges, on each 
of which is cut one word of an inscription commemorating the 
donor. Unfortunately the second stone, which bore the surname, 
is missing; the others read when translated, " John . 
caused me to be made." The letters are Lombardic in form, and 
are left in relief by the cutting away of the background, as shown 
in Fig. 1. Col. Wood-Martin has conjecturally restored the name 
as O'Graian, 3 but merely, I think, because there was an early prior 
so called. 

The central stone has also incised on it a design which in- 
geniously combines five crosses in one. It consists of a frame of 
two bands, 13^ inches square, quartered by a plain cross, also of 
two bands. The bands forming the cross extend outside the frame, 
and are interlaced with it, thus formiug four crosses in addition 
to the central one. The design is illustrated in The Report of the 
Commissioners of Public Works already mentioned, and half 4 of 
it is shown in the Journal A. P. M. D. first referred to. 

Fig. 1.— The Inscription (in one line) on the Altar Table. 
(The stone bearing the second word is missing.) 

The 0''Craian or Crean altar tomb, shown in Plates IV. and V., 
is the earliest of the mural monuments. The table portion, 7 feet 
in length and 2 feet in breadth, is made up of three slabs with 
moulded edges; and the front is of one stone 7 feet 7 inches by 
3 feet 3 inches. Above is a sharply-pointed arch, 11 feet 2 inches 
in height, filled in by moulded and pierced tracery, part of which 
is now missing. The lowest rib seems to have been supported in 
the centre by a small pillar; or at least an iron dowel which may 
have secured such a pillar still remains fixed in the table. 

The front of the tomb is divided into nine niches containing 
figures, and finishing above in beautifully designed canopies, 

3 History of Sligo, vol. ii, p. 67. 

4 It was partially hidden by cement, which has since been removed. 

Plate III] 

[To face page 18 

! • . s . :i 


which have varying foliage and twisted or plaited stems. These 
canopies are in the same style, but more elaborate, than those on 
the altar-front. 

The carving of the figures is quite inferior to that of the orna- 
mental work, being crude and stiff. The central compartment is 
occupied by the Crucifixion; the figure being emaciated, the feet 
crossed, and the head, which is much too large, inclined. At either 
side are represented the Blessed Virgin and St. John. At the left- 
hand end is a friar, very probably St. Dominic; next to him is a 
figure with crown and robes and carrying a sword. There is a small 
circle on the breast which may denote the wheel of St. Catherine ; 
in that case the crown would be that of martyrdom. The third 
figure — that of a female — wears a long plain gown and carries a 
staff with a pear-shaped head. 

At the extreme right hand is shown an archbishop in his robes 
and mitre; he holds a processional cross and has his hand raised 
in benediction. Beside him is a figure dressed in a short gown 
with long sleeves, or else a long cloak thrown back, and holding 
in his hand the keys which usually mark St. Peter. The last niche 
is occupied by St. Michael, who can be recognised by his wings, 
his sword and his cross-marked shield. 

These carvings are shown on a large scale in Plate V. 
Additional interest is given by the dated inscription, which is 
worked in relief along the upper edge of the front slab. See Fig. 2. 
The broken parts have been deciphered by Mr. M. J. McEnery, 5 
and the whole reads in English — 

" Here lies Cormac O'Crean and Johanna daughter of Ennis 
his wife. In the year of our Lord 1506." 

It is very satisfactory to have the carving exactly dated this way. 

The second mural monument which exists in the Abbey — that 
of Sir Donogh O'Connor Sligo — is almost one hundred and twenty 
years later in date, and shows great improvement in the figure 
sculpture. It is questionable, however, whether this type of monu- 
ment is in as good taste or as dignified as the more architectural 
altar tomb. 

It is a large tablet inserted in the wall at some height above the 
floor level, near the south side of the altar, where a window is built 
up to receive it. The total height is 14 feet 9 inches and the 
breadth 6 feet 7 inches. See Plate VI. Heavy horizontal mould- 
ings divide the tablet into three principal parts, of which the 
central is the most important. 

5 See Journal A. P. M. D., as first referred to. 


At the top is a Crucifix, the figure on which, about 16 inches 
in height, is much superior in execution to that on the O'Crean 
monument. Under the Crucifix is a large semicircular stone on 
which is carved in high relief a well-designed achievement. The- 
shield bears a tree uprooted ; above is a helmet of the form usually 
termed royal, surrounded by artistic mantling. The crest is a 
coroneted lion passant-guardant, and the motto — 


is carved below. This stone is separately illustrated at A., Plate 

There is some difference of opinion as to the arms of O'Connor 
Sligo; the entry in Burke's Armory is incorrect, viz. — Per pale, 
vert and argent; dexter, a lion rampant to sinister; sinister, an oak 
tree proper. Mr. Burtchaell informs me that according to an entry 
in the Office of Arms under date 1580, the arms are — Argent, an 
ash tree vert : which agrees with the monument, the tree on which 
certainly seems to be an ash. The ash may have been adopted 
as a difference from the oak borne by other branches of the family. 
I do not know of any other evidence that the O'Connors used a 
lion as crest. 

The second word of the motto is evidently wrong, it should be 
VTCI. 6 The translation might then be, " I am conquered by him 
whom I have conquered," or perhaps the meaning was intended, 
to be ambiguous like the ancient oracies. 

At the sides and on a level with the arms are figures about 18- 
inches in height; one bearing a key and a sword, the other a book 
and a sword. They have usually been described as St. Peter and 
St. Paul, but as they seem to be figures of children, they may be 
merely emblems of those saints. 

The central compartment shows three rectangular pillasters,. 
with semicircular arches and entablature, enclosing two niches in 
which are the kneeling effigies of Sir Donogh O'Connor and his- 
wife Lady Elinor Butler, daughter of Edmond 1st Baron Dun- 
boyne, and widow of Gerald, 14th Earl of Desmond (killed in 
1583). 7 The figures have the appearance of portraits; they are 
about 30 inches in height, and are placed at either side of a draped' 
lectern or desk, on which are laid open books. See Plate VII. 

Sir Donogh is shown in plate armour, his helmet resting on the 

6 Similarly the O'Donnel tombstone at Creevelea Abbey has VENCES 
for VINCES. 

7 The Earls of Desmond have been variously numbered; this is from? 
The Complete Peerage (1916). 

Plate IV] 

[To face page 20 

(Date 1506). 


•ground behind him. He is represented with full beard and 
moustache, and has regular features and wavy hair. 8 

Lady Butler wears a loose flowing dress and overmantle; she 
has also gloves, a close-fitting cap and a coronet. Eound her neck 
is a large ruff, and a string of beads from which hangs an equal- 
armed cross with expanding ends. 

The O'Connor shield is repeated on the spandril of the arch 
behind the effigy of Sir Donogh; and the Butler arms — Per pale, 
dexter, a chief indented and a crescent; sinister, three covered 
cups, two and one, occupy the corresponding spandril. Between 
the arches is a shield of fanciful shape, surmounted by a coronet 
and bearing a boar passant, placed on a wreath. The boar was a 
crest of the Desmond family, and is probably used here in refer- 
ence to the daughter of Lady Butler and her first husband, who 
was buried in the same tomb with Sir Donogh O'Connor as men- 
tioned in the inscriptions given further on. 

According to modern ideas these arms are incorrect in several 
•details ; at the top of the monument, where the complete achieve- 
ment is given, one would have expected to find the arms of 
O'Connor impaled with those of his wife; and below, where they 
are shown separately, those representing the ladies should have 
been placed on lozenges rather than shields. The Dunboyne arms 
as given seem to have been simplified, the chief indented and the 
•covered cups being shown per pale instead of quarterly, and the 
escallop shells omitted. The crescent is no doubt a cadency mark. 

In 1541 Edmond Butler, 10th " Lord of Dunboyne," was created 
a Baron, and his arms — Quarterly; 1st and 4th, or, a chief in- 
dented azure, over all on a bend gules, three escallop shells of the 
first: 2nd and 3rd, Gules, three covered cups or; were altered by 
omitting the bend and placing the shells on the chief. This latter 
form displayed on a lozenge would seem to be correct for his 
daughter Lady Elinor Butler. 

The treatment of the Desmond arms is worse; the crest only 
is shown though never used by a lady, and it is placed on a shield 
contrary to custom. Lady Elizabeth FitzGerald, if unmarried, 
should have been represented by her father's arms — Ermine, a 
saltire gules — placed on a lozenge. 

Of course, it may be said that the present rules were not 
observed in the seventeenth century; but that some of them were 
known is certain from the arms carved on the dismantled tomb of 
Andrew Crean, which still remains to be noticed. These, under 

8 " The Gentleman of Ireland/' on Speed's Map of 1610, has his hair 
and beard similarly arranged. 




<!-!> 3 

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I— I 


























HH 1 


















































S3 > 


i — i 













M ^ H H H 


p 2 









hP 1 










Plate V] 

[To face page 22 


date 1616, give the complete achievement with impaled arms, and 
separately, the husband's arms on a shield and the wife's on a 

The pillaster at the dexter side of the monument is decorated 
with a trophy of arms comprising a drum, a standard, a halberd, a 
circular shield, a pike, a musket, a lance, and a sword. The 
opposite pillaster has an open book on which is laid a rose; a 
reversed torch, a spade, and a thurible or censer. The monument 
is finished below by a fine carving of a winged hour-glass, flanked 
by floral scrolls and fruit; together with several emblems of death, 
such as a scythe, a spade, and two skulls or morteheads. Com- 
bined with the hour-glass is a horizontal bar which probably repre- 
sents a balance; the whole symbolising the flight of time and the 
imminence of judgment. 

The narrow panels above and below the arched recesses contain 
Latin inscriptions, the letters of which are very slightly engraved. 
These panels are 4 feet in length; the small pillasters at the ends 
bear cherubs' heads, one of which is shown at B, Plate VIII. 

The lower inscription is the more important; it is fortunately 
in good preservation and gives full particulars of the persons com- 
memorated. It has often been published; most correctly by the 
late Mr. J. E. Garstin, who gave it with the contractions ex- 
panded. 9 In Fig. 3 it is printed in facsimile except that in the 
original the letters N E in the sixth word are ligatured. Amongst 
the contractions are DNA and NOIE which stand for DOMINA 
and NOMINE : the name CONNOE is here curiously Latinised as 
COENELIANVS, while in the upper inscription (Fig. 4) the ordi- 
nary form appears. The date 31st of November may be a mistake 
for 21st. 

The following is a translation : — 

Here lies the distinguished knight Donogh O'Connor, 
Lord of the County Sligo, with his wife the most exalted Lady 
Elinor Butler, Countess of Desmond; who caused me to be 
erected in the year 1624, after the death of her husband who 
departed on the 11th of August in the year 1609. A daughter 
also of her and her first husband, the Earl of Desmond; 
Elizabeth by name, a truly excellent lady, was buried in this 
tomb on the 31st of November in the year of our Lord 1623. " 

Mr. Garstin has recorded another inscription to the same per- 
sons, the first two lines of which are lost. The following is a trans- 
lation which he sent me : — 

[Elinor Countess of Desmond in honour] of the Passion 
of Christ, and of her husband Donagh Conor, Knight, Lord of 

9 Journal A. P. M. D. s vol. viii. (1912), p. 431. 


the County Sligo; who died in the year of our Lord 1609, and 
of her daughter Elizabeth Gerald, who was buried in the 
Monastery of Sligo with the aforesaid Donagh in the year 
1623, caused me to be erected in the year of our Lord 1624." 

As this inscription states that the persons mentioned were 
buried in the " Monastery of Sligo," it evidently formed part of 
a memorial tablet erected in some other building, and as the stone 
was brought from Sligo, 10 it probably belonged to some church 

The upper inscription is in verse; it consists of eight heroic 
couplets, five of which are contained in the long panel and three 
in the tympana of the arched niches. As the former portion is 
exposed to the weather, it has now become illegible with the ex- 
ception of a few words : the latter part being sheltered by the 
arches is still in fair preservation. A copy of the whole was for- 
tunately made more than one hundred years ago, and is now in 
the possession of Mr. W. W. Ashley, who formerly owned the 
Abbey and vested it in the Commissioners of Public Works. 

By his kindness I am able to give the inscription in full : it is 
shown in Fig. 4. Apparently there were no contractions; there are 
certainly none in the lines which are still legible. The terminal 
letters of some words may have been raised above the line, though 
none are so placed in the copy which has been preserved ; and there 
is but one instance in the part which still exists. It will be ob- 
served that the first vowel of a diphthong is in several cases 
omitted, and that the word " tenda " should be tendo; this is 
noticed by the original transcriber, who also states that " NI " is 
a transposition of " IN," expressive of the great change in 
O'Connor from hero to dust; and that the diphthongs are de- 
stroyed in sympathy with his destruction ! 

On the stone the words are arranged to suit the available space ; 
when written according to the metre and corrected, they appear 
as follows : — 

Siccine Conatiae per quod florebat eburna 
Urna tegit vivax corpora bina decus? 
Siccine Donati tumulo conduntur in alto, 
Ossaque Momoniae siccine cura jacet? 
Martia quae bello, Mitis quae pace micabat, 
Versa est in cineres siccine vestra manus ? 
Siccine Penelope saxis Elinora sepulta est, 
Siccine marmoreis altera casta Judith? 

10 It is now at Braganstown, County Louth. See Journal A. P. M. D., 
as referred to in note 9. 

Plate V.] 

[To face page 24 

(Date 1724). 


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Mater Ierna genis humidis quae brachia tendo 
Mortis ero vestrse luctibus aucta memor. 
Sic praeter caelum quia nil durabile sistit, 
Luceat ambobus lux diuturna Dei. 
Donate- Connor Desmond Elinora marito 
Hunc fieri tumulum fecit amoena suo. 
Cum domino saxis Elinorae filia cumbit 
Et Comitis Desmond, Elizabetha virens." 

There is at the end of the sixth couplet a distinct break, which 
may mark the beginning of a separate inscription; the preceding 
part being an apostrophe, the remainder a plain statement. It 
seems likely that the writer intended the six couplets to be in- 
scribed in the large panel, and that the carver, finding the space 
insufficient, completed them under the first arch and joined on the 
other lines without an interval. 

The Latin is rather difficult to translate satisfactorily; perhaps 
some reader will improve on this attempt: — 

Doth thus the polished urn conceal two bodies [once] 
the living pride of Connacht by which she used to flourish? 
Are thus the bones of Donogh laid in the profound tomb, do 
those also, the object of Momonia's affection lie thus? 
Is your hand the martial hand that shone in war, and yours 
the gentle one that shone in peace, thus turned to ashes? 
Is that Penelope, Elinor, that second chaste Judith, indeed 
buried beneath marble stones? I, mother Ierne, who with 
moistened cheeks stretch forth my arms in redoubled lamen- 
tation, will [ever] be mindful of your death. And since 
naught but heaven lastingly abides, may the eternal light of 
God shine on you both. 

Gracious Elinor of Desmond had this tomb made for her 
husband Donogh Connor. Within its stones, together with 
her lord, rests the fair Elizabeth, daughter of Elinor and of 
the Earl of Desmond." 

The journeys and campaigns of Sir Donogh O'Connor occupy 
considerable space in the An?ials, the State Papers, and the Life 
of Hugh Roe O'Donnel; but it cannot be said that he was very 
successful in his wars. In 1587 he succeeded his uncle, Sir Donel; 
the estates were, however, withheld from him on the pretext of 
illegitimacy. Sir Richard Bingham evidently hoped to retain the 
greater portion of them for the Crown and for his own use. 11 
O'Connor petitioned the Government and visited England several 
times before obtaining his rights. 

He fought many times with O'Donnel, but generally without 
success, and in 1599 he was besieged by him in his castle at 

11 Cal. State Papers, 1586-8, p. 517. 

Plate VII] 

[To face page 26 


Collooney ; the Earl of Essex sent an expedition to his relief, under 
Sir Conyers Clifford, but the latter was defeated and slain. 
O'Connor, when shown the head of Clifford, surrendered to 
O'Donnel, who gave him good terms and made a treaty with him; 
his lands and other property being restored. 

In 1601, O'Donnel received information that O'Connor was 
plotting to betray him to the English ; he, therefore, seized him 
and confined him on an island in Lough Eask near Donegal. In 
1602, Rory O'Donnel, who had succeeded Hugh Roe, released him 
and made an alliance with him. They successfully resisted the 
English forces, and at the end of the year Lord Mount joy made 
peace with them. 

O'Connor is not again mentioned in the Annals, but the State 
Papers give further information. In March, 1603, he writes to 
Secretary Cecil to excuse himself for assisting O'Donnel, and says 
of his imprisonment at Lough Eask 12 : — 

" I was so cruelly kept in prison that, were it not for my 
soul's safety, I could wilfully have ended my days; and at 
this hour my legs are not thoroughly healed, being almost 
rotted with the fretting of the irons." 

In short, he declares that he only helped O'Donnel in order to 
save his life ; his excuses must have been accepted, for in 1604 he 
was knighted. The Government probably recognised the difficulty 
of his position near the borders of Connacht and Ulster. A letter, 
dated 18th October, 1609, from Sir Robert Jacob to Salisbury 
mentions his death, and names his successor 13 : — 

O'Connor Roe and O'Connor Sligo (two of the greatest 
Irish Lords in Connaught) both died while they were holding 
their sessions at Sligo. O'Connor Roe has left divers sons, 
who are all good swordsmen, and may prove honest or dis- 
honest as occasion serves. O'Connor Sligo died without issue, 
and his land is descended to his brother Donnell O'Connor, 
who is a widower of the age of four or five and thirty years. 
He is to marry with one of the Earl of Desmond's daughters; 
He speaks English well ; he was bred up in the wars in France ; 
the people have a great opinion of him, and he is like to prove 
an honest man if his graffing upon a crabbed stock do not 
alter his proper nature." 

A memorandum of the following year shows that the marriage 
had taken place. The funeral entry also of Edmond 3rd Baron 
Dunboyne, dated 17th March, 1640, states that his first wife was 
Ellen, one of the daughters of Gerrott FitzGerald sometime Earle 

12 Col. State Papers, 1601-3, p. 572. 

13 Cal. State Papers, 1608-10, p. 298; also p. 273. 


of Desmond; the relict 1st of Daniell (that is Donel) 'Conor 
Sligo, and 2nd of Sir Robert Cressy, Knt. 

This is of interest, as there has been some confusion between 
the marriages of the mother and daughter. The published 
accounts state that Ellen married Sir Donogh O'Connor Sligo, 14 
whereas it was her mother who did so : she married (as shown 
above) his half-brother and successor, Donel, who died in 1611. 

The Countess and her daughter seem to have retained posses- 
sion of a large portion of the O'Connor estates. The former had 
litigation with the heirs, and wearied the Government with appli- 
cations and' complaints. Amongst the Slate Papers for 1613 is a 
memorandum for a reply to her petition, which states that she and 
her daughter have the best parts of all the lands belonging to the 
orphan, 15 and that the patentee has not above £140 a year; and 
enumerates the property as follows : — 

" 13 castles, 100 messuages, 10 gardens, 4,000 acres of 
land, 1,000 acres of pasture, 1,000 acres of wood, 1,000 acres 
of moor, and 3,000 acres of heath in Sligo, Bahymoharry, 
Court, &c. ; which in truth are all the castles in the County of 
Sligo and the most part of the lands passed by the letters 
patent, and she enjoys them; but, under colour of her general 
words, she would seek to draw in other parcels which were 
never part of the aforesaid towns." 16 

The wills of Sir Donogh and of the Countess Elinor are pre- 
served; his is dated 11th August, 1609, which is the day of his 
death according to the monument. Her will was made on the 5th 
September, 1636, and mentions two of her daughters, Joan and 

The Chancery Rolls of Ireland record that on the 4th of Sep- 
tember, 1603, King James I. granted pensions of £50 each to the 
Ladies Jane (or Joan), Ellen and Elizabeth FitzGerald. It was 
the second of these who married Donel O'Connor, and the third, 
Elizabeth, must be the lady mentioned on the monument. 

The Geraldine pedigrees mention five daughters, Margaret, 
Joan, Catherine, Ellen, and Ellice or Elizabeth: the last-named 
married Sir Valentine Browne, the ancestor of the Kenmare 
family. If the Elizabeth buried in Sligo was the wife of Sir 
Valentine, it is strange that his name is not mentioned; the in- 
scriptions rather leave the impression that she was unmarried. 

14 See Mr. Garstin's paper referred to in note 9; also The Pedigree of 
the Desmond Family, Journal JR. S. A. /., vol. x. (1869), p. 461; and 
The Complete Peerage, 1916, vol. iv, p. 517. 

15 Charles, son of Donel by his first wife. 

16 Cal. State Papers, 1611-14, p. 364. 

Plate VIII] 

[To face page 28 



There may have been a sixth daughter, Elizabeth, who has been 
confused with Ellice and omitted from the pedigrees because she 
died unmarried. 17 If a record of the death of Sir Valentine- 
Browne's first wife could be found it would go far to clear up this 

There are also in the Abbey several armorial stones which were 
evidently portions of mural monuments now destroyed. They are 
shown in Plate VIII. The earliest of these (C, Plate VIII.), dated 
1616, is built into the recess of the O'Crean altar tomb and belongs 
to the same family. It measures 28 inches in height and 23 in 
breadth. The shield bears the Crean arms — Argent, a wolf ram- 
pant sable, between three hearts gules; impaled with those of 
French — Ermine, a chevron sable. 

Over the shield is an esquire's helmet with mantling and the 
Crean crest — a demi-wolf rampant sable, holding between his 
paws a heart gules. At the sides are the initials A. C. and E. F., 
which seem to be those of Andrew Crean and his wife. If this is 
the Andrew Crean of Annagh, to whom Elinor, Countess of 
Desmond, left £100 in her will dated 1636, the monument must 
have been erected in his lifetime, which is not unlikely. Across 
the lower edge of the stone is the text 18 : — 



Sir Bernard Burke gives the first clause as the motto of the 
Crean family. I have been informed that the hearts in the Crean 
arms are an attempt to play on the somewhat similar sound of the 
Irish word, and that some of the families using the name Hart do 
so as an English equivalent to Crean. If this be so, the text may 
have been adopted on account of a double play on the name, the 
word COR referring to the meaning, and CREA IN to the sound. 

The same arms and initials are found separately on smaller 
stones, probably finials of the same monument. In them the arms 
are surrounded by circular panels with pointed tops, and the 
initials are placed in separate panels below. The stone bearing 
the Crean arms is still in the Abbey, and is shown-at D, Plate VIII. 
The other, on which the French coat is duly placed on a lozenge, 
has been removed to the Holy Well at Tobernaltha on the shore- 
of Lough Gill. It has been built into the front of the altar there, 

17 The Complete Peerage (1916). vol. iv; p. 255, mentions the pensions 
granted to the Ladies Joan, Ellen, and Elizabeth, and adds that there 
were said to be three other sisters, Margaret, Catherine and Ellice. 

18 Psalm LI. 10. 


apparently from the impression that it bears a religious emblem 
of some kind. The letter E on it has been mutilated to look like I ; 
probably by some one who thought of changing the initials into 
I.H.S. Lord Walter FitzGerald has illustrated this stone. 19 

Another stone, dated 1625, bears the Crean arms impaled with 
a rampant lion, apparently for Jones. The mantling is like that 
on the O'Connor monument, but the helmet is of the type seen on 
the stone of 1616. There is no crest, the date being placed imme- 
diately over the wreath. See E, Plate VIII. 

Across the base is carved the curious rhyme — 

Wee two are one by his Decree 
that raigneth from eternity 
who first erected have these stones 
wee robvcre 20 crean elica jones 

The stone measures 25 inches by 23 inches. 

The last of these memorials (F, Plate VIII. ), in contrast to those 
of the Crean family (who seem to have had a taste for dates and 
quaint inscriptions), is without letters. It bears, however, a well- 
known coat of arms, that of Sir Roger Jones of Benada near Sligo, 
son of Griffith Jones of Ruthin in Denbigh. He was knighted on 
the 6th of June, 1624, and, according to his funeral entry, married 
Mary, daughter of Roger Smith of Crackmarch in Staffordshire, 
and died on the 12th of August, 1625. He was buried in St. John's 
Church, Sligo, where the fragments of his monument still exist. 21 

This Sir Roger Jones should be carefully distinguished from 
his namesake and contemporary, who was knighted on the 24th of 
March, 1606-7; was a member of the Privy Council, and became 
the first Viscount Ranelagh. 

The arms are — Gules, on a cross between four mullets pierced, 
or, a pheon with broken staff, point downwards, of the field. 
Crest — a wing azure, semee of estoils, or. Though somewhat 
indistinct, the above arms can be recognised with certainty. 

The stone measures 21 inches by 24 inches, and the design 
resembles that of the Crean slab of 1616, which may have sug- 
gested it. 

In addition to these mural monuments there are a number of 
interesting floor and table slabs of various dates, on two of which 
the Crean arms are repeated. That of Mathew Walsh of Seafield 

19 Journal A. P. M. D., vol. viii (1912), p. 627. 
2° Evidently intended for ROBUCKE. 

21 Illustrated in ORourke's History of Sligo, vol. ii., p. 70. 

[To face page 31 

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may be mentioned on account of its quaint rhyme. Mathew Walsh 
died in 1802, the original stone is broken, but the inscription has 
been copied with others on a new monument at the north side 
of the nave. The epitaph concludes : — 




My thanks are due to Professor Macalister and Mr. Charles 
McNeill for assistance in dealing with the inscriptions; and to 
Mr. G. D. Burtchaell for information as to the coats of arms and 
their owners. By the kindness of the latter I am able to annex the 
pedigree of the O'Connors of Sligo in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries; it will be found to clear up some of the errors which 
have already appeared in print. The Christian names are given 
as in the original authorities. 



By W. F. Butler, m.r.i.a., Fellow. 

[Read 11 May, 1920.] 

In the following paper I endeavour to give a correct account of the 
descent of the main line and of the subsidiary stocks of the great 
house of Mac Carthy Mor, the family who, from the twelfth down 
to the sixteenth century, divided with the O'Briens the sovereignty 
over the Irish of Munster. 

The history, and especially the descent, of the chiefs of this house 
are interesting as showing us, in the first place, a family which rose 
from comparative obscurity just before the Anglo-Norman inva- 
sion, and which, after that event, increased in extent of actual 
landed possessions. 

In the twelfth century, outside possibly a few mensal lands set 
apart for the support of the provincial king, the Mac Carthys had 
no lands in Cork or Kerry ; and their home land round Cashel 
cannot have been of any great extent. 1 In the sixteenth century 
an extremely large proportion of the two counties just mentioned 
was held by Mac Carthys who could trace their descent to the 
Dermod Mac Carthy who ruled the " Kingdom of Cork " at the 
coming of Henry II. 

Their rise to greatness can be paralleled in the still more re- 
markable case of the O'Neills of Ulster. 

The succession to the headship of the family is also noteworthy. 
Either through deliberate policy, or by a series of lucky accidents,, 
rule passed for over two centuries direct from father to son. 2 The 
clan and its subjects escaped, therefore, from the constant civil 

1 Eoganacht Cashel corresponded to the present barony of Middle- 

Gofraidh Fionn O'Dalaigh speaks of the seventeen tuaths of Cashel. 
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the O'Donoghues and the 
O'Sullivans shared the district round Cashel with the MacCarthys; the 
O'Sullivans being seated round Knockgraffon. The O'Donoghues cf 
Eoghanacht Cashel are quite distinct from those of Eoghanacht Loch 
Lein in Kerry, who are a branch of the Ui Eachach. In 1078, Conor J D. 
is called heir of Cashel. Callaghan Caiseal, great-grandfather of 
Carthagh, had been king of Munster about the middle of the tenth 
century. For three centuries before Callaghan none of his ancestors in 
the direct line had gained this dignity. 

2 From Donnell Roe, who died in 1302, to Donnell, who died in 1508,. 
there is an uninterrupted succession from father to son. 

Plate X] 

[To face page 32 


wars which seem inseparable from that mode of succession by elec- 
tion which prevailed in Ireland, and to which Elizabethan English 
writers have given the name succession by Tanistry. 

But, perhaps to secure this direct succession, the younger sons 
of the head of the house obtained for themselves in each generation 
extensive districts as subordinate lordships, and transmitted them 
to their descendants, who in some cases broke away from subjection 
to the senior line. Hence we find that while, in the sixteenth 
century, the lands ruled by the Mac Carthys were extensive and 
populous, the heads of the family never played a part in Irish affairs 
comparable to that played by the O'Neills, the O'Donnells, or the 
O'Briens. 3 

The pedigrees of the Mac Carthys accessible in print differ from 
one another, and all seem to be more or less inaccurate. 4 In the 
Carew collection at Lambeth there are several MSS. pedigrees, 
both of the main line, and of several of the branch lines, which I 
have consulted. But these differ slightly among themselves; and 
can be shown from the Irish Annals to be unreliable. 

My effort, then, is, basing myself on the notices of the family 

3 MacCarthy Mor ruled over more than 2,000 square miles, MacCarthy 
Reagh over more than 600. About one-half of this area was in the actual 
possession of the chiefs or of the various septs of the MacCarthy clan. 

4 We have a pedigree printed in Cox's Begnum Corcagense; and 
another among the pedigrees given in the appendix to Keating 
(O'Mahony's ed., New York, 1866). Then there is the genealogy com- 
piled by M. Laine for Count MacCarthy Reagh. It is called Genealogie 
de la maison MacCarthy, and was published at Paris in 1834. Cronnelly, 
in his History of the Clan Eoghan (Dublin, 1864), founds many of his 
statements on Laine. In the Life and Letters of Florence MacCarthy 
Mor, by Daniel MacCarthy, there is a pedigree professing to be founded 
on Cronnelly and Laine; but it is full of manifest absurdities as to dates. 

The pedigree given by Laine can be shown to be unreliable. It con- 
flicts in some parts with the evidence of the Annals. For instance, it 
puts the death of Carthagh, from whom the family name is derived, in 
1098, and of his son " Moragh " in 1110. It calls the sons of King Cormac 
" kings of both Ministers/' which they certainly were not. His order of 
succession differs materially from that given in the Irish Annals. Above 
all, he gives to several of the family extraordinary long spans of life — 
e.g., he says that " Donogh Cairthanagh King of Desmond was deposed 
in 1310, at the age of more than 100 years " — the Irish Annals making 
no mention, that I can find, of this king or of his deposition. 

Then, while he professes to know the dates of the birth of the 
MacCarthys of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, he omits 
them in the case of those of later date. Cronnelly unfortunately follows 
without criticising him. 

O'Hart gives a pedigree differing from Cronnelly, but, as usual, cites 
no authorities. 

The pedigrees in Lambeth MS 8., vols. 626 and 635, differ slightly 
from one another, and materially from the printed ones. They both 
can be shown to be in some respects in absolute contradiction with the 
Annals. There are a number of pedigrees of the various branches of 
the MacCarthys in vols. 626 and 635, but they practically all contain 
the same errors, making Carthagh, from whom the family took its name, 
father of King Cormac, builder of Cormac's Chapel, and omitting 
Cormac Mor, son and successor of Donnell Oge. 



in the Annals of Locli Ce and of Ulster, and, supplementing these 
from the Annals of the Four Masters, to provide a coherent account 
of the succession of the chiefs; and at the same time, from the 
various pedigrees to show the relationship to the heads of the 
house of the different subordinate branches. 5 

Carthagh, son of Saorbhrethagh, or Justin, from whom the clan 
takes its surname, was burned in 1045 in a fiery house by the 
grandson of Longhargan MacDonncuan ' ' cum multis nobilibus 
ustis." 6 He is described in the Annals of Loch Ce as king, and 
in those of the Four Masters as Lord of Eoghanacht Caisil — i.e., 
the district! round Cashel. 

His grandson, Cormac, appears as King of South Munster, and, 
for a time at least, of all Munster. It has been asserted that he 
was also Bishop of Cashel; for the Annals of Loch Ce call him 
Espug-Rig n Erenn. The editor of these annals does not think 
that this designation is sufficient authority for holding him to have 
really been a bishop. His reign from 1124 to 1138 was a troubled 
one : revolts of his own subjects, headed by his brother Donough, 
and the attacks of Turlough 'Conor harassed him; and on one 
occasion even drove him from the throne into retirement among 
the monks of Lismore. But it has left a lasting monument— the 
gem of Hiberno-Komanesque architecture known as Cormac 's 
Chapel, on the rock of Cashel. 7 

Although Cormac, for a great part of his reign, was hostile to 
Turlough 'Conor and friendly to the O'Briens, yet on the whole 
there is evidence that the rise of the family to the Kingship of 
South Munster was, in part at least, due to the desire of the 
0''Conors of Connaught to set up a counterpoise in Munster to the 
power of the O'Briens. Muireadhach, son of Carthagh, and father 

5 Judge Trant MacCarthy has published a very copious account of the 
Clan Carthaigh in the Kerry Archaeological Magazine. But he does 
not critically examine his sources, and ignores the difficulties which 
they present. In some cases he accepts as true what can be shown to be 
doubtful or incorrect. 

His work is very valuable for the period subsequent to 1600, as he has 
collected much new matter, and corrected errors on the part of former 

6 Annals of Loch Ce. 

7 If we may rely on the Dublin Annals of Inisfallen, Cormac played 
the leading role in Munster after the death of Teige until 1127, when he 
was deposed by Turlough O'Conor, and his brother Donough put in his 
place. Then Munster was divided between Donough and Conor na 
Catharach O'Brien. The Bodleian Annals of Inisfallen attribute 
Cormac's fall to the revolt of his subjects, especially of the Hi Eachach, 
and give the year as 1126. But soon afterwards Conor O'Brien revolted 
against Turlough, and took Cormac from his retirement, and set him 
up as King of Desmond. Then in 1134 Cormac quarrelled with the 
O'Briens, and attacked them. Later on he appears to have been again 
on the side of Conor O'Brien against the men of Connaught and Leinster. 
He was murdered in 1138 by O'Conor Kerry; leaving Conor as uncon- 
tested supreme King of Munster. 



of Cormac, is called Lord of Eoghanacht Caisil by O'Hart. The 
Annals of Ulster, which put his death in 1092, 8 call him King of 
Eoghanacht Caisil, and there is nothing to show that he ever held 
more extensive rule. In 1118, Turlough 'Conor set up Tadhg 
Mac Carthy as King of Desmond. Canon O'Mahony, in his ex- 
haustive study of the O'Mahonys, printed in the Journal of the 
Cork Archaeological Society in 1906 and following years, declares 
that from 845 to 1118 the kingship of Desmond had been held by 
the Ui Eachach, the tribe whose chief clan in later days were the 
O'Mahonys. 9 Turlough may have thought that by setting up a 
king from a comparatively obscure clan he would have more 
control over South Munster than if the kingship was left with the 
family which had held it for so long a period. 

According to Canon O'Mahony and to MSS. pedigrees at 
Lambeth, Tadhg, O 'Conor's nominee, was son of Carthagh. If so, 
he must have been at least seventy-three years of age when he 
was made king. This seems, to say the least of it, improbable. He 
died in 1224, seventy-nine years after Carthagh 's death. 10 Later 
on we shall come on several startling statements of the genealogists 
as to the ages attained by various members of the family; and the 
entries in the annals show that they were an exceptionally long- 
lived race. It is certain, also, that Cathal Crobh Derg, son of 

8 The Annals of Ulster also have under 1093 Donnchadh Mac C. King 
of Eoghanacht Caisil was slain. Cronnelly says Muireadhach was born 
in 1011, and calls him King of Desmond. He gives him two sons, 
Donough whom he calls King of Desmond, and Cormac, born in 1054, 
King of the two Ministers about 1128. Thus Muireadhach would have 
died at the age of 81, and Cormac been murdered at the age of 84; 
Cormac's son Dermod would, according to Cronnelly, have been 87 in 
1185 when he was slain. So from the birth of Muireadhach to the death 
by violence of his grandson we have a period of 174 years ! ' 

9 It might be more accurate to say that, strictly speaking, there was 
no kingship of Desmond until the eleventh century. It would rather 
appear that the various tribal kings in what are now Cork and Kerry 
were directly subject to the King of Cashel. The most influential tribe 
in Co. Cork was certainly the Ui Eachach; but it does not appear that 
their kings had any authority in South Kerry or over a large part of 
Co. Cork. The theory that there was a kingdom of North Munster and 
another of South Munster, with a head king over both, at Cashel, gets 
no support from the Book of Bights, and but little from the Annals 
until the eleventh century. The majority of the Eoghanacht clans were 
in Tipperary and Limerick. 

10 But it seems certain that Tadhg was not son, but grandson, of 
Carthagh. The Eev. E. N. Long, in an article on Cashel and Emly in the 
Journal of the Cork Hist, and Arch. Soc, 1900, says there is still extant 
a reliquary of St. Lachtain with the inscription " Pray for Tadhg, son 
of Mac Carthy for the king "—i.e., the word king is in apposition to 
Tadhg. And there is a further request to pray for " Cormac, son of 
MacCarthy the Eigh Damhna." So that Tadhg would be son of 
Muireadhach and brother of Cormac. The Annals of the Four Masters 
speak of Tadhg Mac Carthaig, using Mac Carthaig apparently as a 
surname. The Annals of Ulster call him Mac MicCarrthaigh— i.e., 
grandson of C. 


Turlough O 'Conor, survived his father for sixty-eight years. But 
it seems unlikely that Turlough would have set up as king in a 
time of turmoil a man who had reached what, in the Middle Ages, 
was extreme old age. 

Cormac Mac Carthy was murdered ' ' in his own house by 
treachery " in 1138, 11 leaving several sons. Next year the Clan 
Carthaig was expelled from Munster by the race of O'Brien, say 
the Four Masters. 

One of Cormac 's sons, Dermod, ultimately assumed the 
sovereignty of Desmond by the help of the Connaughtmen. 12 Many 
years of confusion followed, as Turlough O'Conor, and after him 
his son Ruaidhri, strove to bend the O'Briens to their yoke. In 
1151, the decisive battle of Moinmor crushed for a time the O'Brien 
power. After this battle there was no longer a Kingdom of 
Munster; the O'Briens ruled the north, Dermod Mac Carthy the 
south of the province. 13 

In 1168, the Annals of Ulster tell us that Munster was divided 
into two between Donnell 0''Brien and the sons of Cormac 
Mac Carthy. Next year saw the landing of the Anglo-Norman in- 
vaders. The chroniclers of the latter speak of Dermod, son of 
Cormac, as ruler of the " Kingdom of Cork," and of Donnell 
O'Brien as ruler of the " Kingdom of Limerick." Cashel and the 
district round it seem definitely to have passed under O'Brien 
rule; for the invaders treated them as part of the Kingdom of 
Limerick. 11 In 1101 Mortogh O'Brien had given the royal fortress 

11 Four Masters. 

12 In 1144 Donough, brother of Cormac, attempted to gain the 
sovereignty of Munster, but was captured and handed over to Turlough 
O'Brien, who imprisoned him. He died soon after. In 1150 Dermod 
appears in alliance with the Connaughtmen, and again next year at the 
time of the battle of Moinmor. This battle gave him the supremacy 
over South Munster. In 1152 the province was divided between Teige 
Gle O'Brien and Dermod Mac Carthy. Turlough O'Brien, who, from 
1142 to the battle of Moinmor, had been King of Munster, ultimately 
recovered North Munster. He died in 1167, and, after a short interval, 
Munster was divided between his son Donnell Mor and the sons of 
Cormac MacCarthy. (Annals of Ulster, 1168). 

13 M. Laine assigns to Cormac a son Tadhg, " King of both Munsters," 
who died in 1155, and says that Dermod became King of both Munsters 
in 116V. But this conflicts with the Irish Annals. 

14 In 1206 an enquiry was ordered as to whether the castle of Kilmehal 
and certain lands, amongst them Slevardah, Cumsy and Heyghanacassel, 
and the cantred in which the castle of Harfman is situate, were in the 
Kingdom of Limerick, or in that of Cork. If in Cork, they were to be 
taken into the Justiciar's hands as demesne of the King. The districts 
named above are the modern baronies of Slieveardagh and Middle 
Third, and probably Iffa and Offa West, now in Co. Tipperary. In later 
days we never hear any suggestion that these lands were part of the 
Kingdom of Cork, and from John's dealings with these lands the de- 
cision probably was that they formed part of the Kingdom of Limerick. 

On the other hand, " Killede," granted by FitzStephen to Philip de 
Barry as part of the Kingdom of Cork is now identified with Killeedy, in 
South-west Co. Limerick. It formed part of Ui Conaill Gabhra. 



of Cashel to the Church. In 1182, Donnell Mor O'Brien founded 
Holy Cross Abbey. Thurles seems to have been looked on as part 
of his dominions. The grant to De Cogan and Fitzstephen of " the 
Kingdom of Cork " gives its bounds as from Lismore to Brandon 
Head in Kerry. If this is an attempt to define its limits on the 
north we must take it that the modern Tipperary and Limerick did 
not form part of it. 

Dermod maintained himself with varying success against the 
invaders; but was slain in 1185 by Theobald Walter, ancestor of 
the house of Ormond. 

Dermod had at least three sons. Cormac, the eldest, rebelled 
against his father in 1177 and imprisoned him, but was himself 
slain by the O'Donoghues. On account of this rebellion, Cormac's 
descendants were excluded from the succession; but a pedigree in 
Lambeth gives to Cormac a son, Owen, and to Owen a son, Tadhg 
Eoe, from whom it derives the Clan Teige Eoe in Carbery, with its 
two sub-divisions, Sliocht Fynin and Sliocht Shane, 15 which, in the 
sixteenth century, held a considerable district, in Carbery, near 
the head of Duninanus Bay. 

CronnelLy, however, ascribes to Dermod another son, Tadhg 
Eoe, from whom he derives Clan Tadhg Eoe. 16 

From Donnell Mor, who succeeded Dermod in whatever was 
left of his kingdom, descend nearly all of the many septs of the 
Mac Carthy house. The Annals of Loch Oe tell us that in 1196 he 
expelled the invaders from Limerick, and that he died in 1206. 
From the same source we learn that in 1209 Finghin, son of 
Diarmuid, son of Cormac, King of Desmond, was slain by his own 
people. 17 

A period of confusion followed, in which various Mac Carthys 
contended for the fast vanishing kingdom. To internal conflicts 
were added attacks from the Anglo-Norman invaders, and, above 
all, from the O'Briens. The latter, instead of joining in resisting 
the foreigner, seemed to have turned their attention to rooting out 
the clans of Eoghanacht race from what is now the County 
Limerick. Their raids extended to the Lakes of Killarney, and 
far south into County Cork. Dermod Cluasach, eldest son of 
Donnell Mor, successfully resisted a combined attack by Donough 
Cairbrech O'Brien and the foreigners in 1214; but next year he and 
his next brother, Cormac Finn, quarrelled, and the English in- 
castellated a large district in Kerry. 

15 Vol. 635. 

16 According to Laine and Cronnelly, Dermod's sons were Cormac, 
Donnell Mor, Muircheartach, slain by the O'Driscolls in 1179, and Tadhg 
Eoe. But Finghin, successor of Donnell Mor, was certainly a son of 

17 This entry effectually disposes of O'Hart's statement that Finghin 
was son of Cormac and brother of King Dermod. Laine seems respon- 
sible for the error. 


The O'Brien raids drove from their homes a large section of the 
population of the modern County Limerick; and in the lands thus 
left void of defenders the foreigners soon firmly settled themselves. 

Dermod, in spite of quarrels with his brothers, maintained 
himself on the whole as king from 1209 to his 'death at Dun Droigh- 
nan, in Muskerry, in 1230. In 1224 he is mentioned as joining in 
a hosting of the foreigners and Gael of Erin against the son of Hugo 
(de Lacy) and Aedh O'Neill. From this and from the fact that he 
was married to Petronilla de Bloet, of a Norman family, we 
may infer that for the latter part of his life at least he had been on 
friendly terms with the invaders. 18 

It was possibly during the reign of this Dermod that took place 
the great migration of the O'Sullivans and their kinsmen from the 
plains of Tipperary to the glens and mountain fastnesses of Kerry. 

Just as the O 'Donovans and other clans of Limerick, flying 
before the O'Briens, found new settlements south of the Bandon 
River, so the Tipperary men, under pressure of the invaders ad- 
vancing up the Suir, abandoned their homes. 

We, unfortunately, have only the scantiest of notices concern- 
ing this migration : in fact, we have little to go on beyond the 
actual state of affairs in the sixteenth century. Then we find that 
the clans which had originally occupied the Barony of Bere and 
Bantry in Cork, and the districts of Kerry south of the Lakes of 
Killarney and the Eiver Laune, had disappeared as landowners; 
and that in their stead the O'Sullivans and the various branches 
of the Mac Carthys occupied practically the whole of these 
territories. The conquest and division of these lands may have 
extended over a considerable period. As I say, we know very little 
about it. But it probably was carried out during the reign of 
Dermod and his immediate successors. 

Though Dermod left sons, they did not secure the kingship; 
and their posterity, if they had any, lapsed into obscurity. 

Very different was the fate of the descendants of the younger 
sons of Donnell Mor na Curra. From Cormac Fionn, the second 
son, come all the later Mac Carthy Mors, and the houses of 
Duhallow and Muskerry, as well as numerous minor septs, who 
held in the sixteenth century great scopes of land in Desmond. 

18 A Lambeth pedigree and Laine, and Cronnelly following him, 
and later writers following Cronnelly, say that Petronilla 
was the widow of the old King Dermod, who had been slain 
in 1185, thirty-two years before the document referring to her. In 
Life and Letters, the original Latin is quoted, "habere faciat Petronillae 
Bloet maritagium suum quod Thos. Bloet frater ejus eide Petronillae 
dedit cum Dermot Magarthy Rege de Corke, viro suo/' In the Col. 
Docs., Ir., 1217, this is translated " the king orders that Petronilla de 
Bloet, wife of Dermot Magarthy, King of Cork, is to have her marriage 
which her brother Thomas gave her." There is nothing to show that 
she was the widow of Dermot, and if maritagium could mean marriage 
portion, the entry becomes intelligible. 


From Donnell Gott, the third son, come the great house of 
Mac Carthy Eeagh, Lords of Carbery, and most of the various 
Mac Carthy septs who, in the sixteenth century, held nearly 300 
out of the 766 ploughlands of that barony. 19 

Cormac Fionn died in 1248. 20 As his son, and eventual 
successor, Donnell Roe, died in 1302, fifty-four years after his 
father's death, he was probably quite young at that date; and it 
is likely that the kingship fell to Donnell Gott and his sons. 21 

Ultimately, however, Donnell Roe obtained the headship of the 
family, and transmitted it to his descendants. 22 But an arrange- 
ment seems to have been come to by which the posterity of Donnell 
Gott, while renouncing all claim to the kingship, were freed from 
dependence on the senior line. From the time of Donnell Roe we 
find the Lords of Carbery acting in all respects as free from any 
subjection to Mac Carthy Mor. 

With Cormac Fionn we come on some of the difficult points in 
the pedigree. Cronnelly and the Lambeth MSS. pedigrees agree 
in stating that, besides his son and eventual successor, Donnell 
Roe, he had another son, Donnell Finn, from whom were descended 
the Clan Donnell Finn of Iveragh and Magunihy. 23 All the pedi- 
grees agree in assigning to him a son, Dermod. But while 
Cronnelly and O'Hart make this Dermod the ancestor of the 
Mac Donough Mac Carthys of Duhallow (Cronnelly, in addition, 
stating that Dermod was the eldest son), the Lambeth pedigrees 
make him ancestor of the Clan Dermond, who, in the sixteenth 
century, had large possessions in the Baronies of Glanerought and 
Bere. 24 And Keating, omitting Donnell Finn, gives two Dermods, 
sons of Cormac Fionn, one of whom was ancester of the 
Mac Donoughs of Duhallow, and the other the ancestor of the sept 

19 Cox gives 766 ploughlands to Carbery. The Car. Cat gives 816 
ploughlands as the area,, of which about 70 were demesne lands cf 
Mac Carthy Reagh. It also sets out in detail the lands of the various 
Mac Carthy septs. 

20 This is the date given by Mr. Orpen from the Dublin Annals of 
Inisfallen. This is a summons from Hy. III. to him, dated 1243-44. In 
some works 1242 is given as the date of his death. 

21 Cronnelly says that Donnell Roe was born in 1204, so that he would 
have lived to the age of 98 ! 

22 A very lucid account of affairs in Desmond at this time is given by 
Mr. Orpen : The Normans in Ireland, vol. iii. 

23 According to Laine, Dermod was the eldest, Donnell Finn the second, 
and Donnell Roe the third son of Cormac. 

24 This is the only attempt I have come across to account for the origin 
of this sept of Clan Dermond. If Dermod, ancestor of Duhallow was 
really the eldest son of Cormac Fionn this would account for the fact, 
otherwise inexplicable, that Mac Donough Mac Carthy claimed to 
succeed to the dignity of Mac Carthy Mor on the death of Earl Donnell 
in 1596; although there were many branches nearer in blood than his 
to the Earl. „, ■ . „ , 

The Four Masters (anno 1501) derive the house of Duhallow from 
Dermod, son of Cormac Finn. 


of Mac Finghin, or Mac Fyneen; Mac Carthy of Ardtully in 
Glanerought. 25 

It seems certain that on Cormac Fionn's death the headship 
of the family passed for about twenty years to Donnell Gott and 
his sons. 26 One of the latter, Finghin, gained in 1261 the decisive 
battle of Callan, which for a time checked the rise of the Geraldines 
to power, and definitely secured the independence of the Irish of 
West Cork and South Kerry. The Annals of Loch Co look on 
Finghin as sovereign of Desmond. He fell in battle against the 
De Courcys at Ringrone, near Kinsale, in the year of his victory, 
and the sovereignty o£ Desmond was assumed after him by 
his brother — i.e., the Aithchleirech Mac Carthy." Next year 
Mac William Burke and the foreigners of Erinn renewed the 
attack on Desmond. A battle was fought high up on the slopes of 
Mangerton — " the joy and sorrow to Des Mumha," for Cormac, 
son of Donnell Gott, was slain on that same day. The name 
Tooreen Cormac on our Ordnance Maps preserves the memory of 
his fate. But victory lay, apparently, with his followers. From 
that day, for over three centuries, the Mac Carthys ruled supreme 
over the mountains and glens and sea-fretted coast from Castle- 
maine Harbour to the estuary of the Bandon River. 

Donnell Roe, son of Cormac Fionn, had fought on the side of 
the foreigner at Callan. 27 But he reaped to the full the fruits of 
victory. The remaining sons of Donnell Gott directed their 
energies to the expulsion of the invaders from Carbery; and 
Donnell Roe established himself as King of Desmond. 

With him began the most glorious period in the history of his 
house. Before Callan the tide of foreign invasion had lapped up 
to the foot of the Kerry Reeks and up the estuaries of the Kerry 
coast. Dunkerron, Ardtully, and Berehaven are said to have been 
strongholds of the foreigners as well as many a castle on the rocky 
headlands of Carbery. 

John FitzThomas held the manor of Killorgiin, with the barony 
of Magunihy — the level country north of the Laune — and that of 
Iveragh, the basins of the Fertagh and Inny Rivers. 

But after Callan " the Carties played the divell in Desmond," 

25 This may be from confusion as to Dermod " of' the ancestor 
of the Mac Finghins. The Dublin Annals of Inisfallen give a battle at 
Tralee in 1235, in which the Mac Carthys were defeated by the 
foreigners, and Dermod, son of Cormac Finn, slain. This Dermod may 
have really been the ancestor of Clan Dermond; and Keating may have 
confused him with the Dermod slain at Tralee in 1325. 

26 This would account for Donnell Roe's alliance with the Geraldines. 
Donnell Gott was slain by the Fitzgeralds in 1251. 

27 We find, owing to the uncertain working of the Irish law of succes- 
sion, that the invaders could nearly always count on the help of some 
member of the ruling house in their attacks on Irish territories— c./., 
the history of the O'Conors of Conacht, the O'Briens of Clare, and the 
O'Neills of Tyrone. Donnell Roe only followed the prevailing fashion. 


as an old chronicler puts it. Dungloe, Macroom, Killorglin, and 
many of the coast castles fell before them. 28 A great raid spread 
destruction over the west of Limerick. Here, however, the 
foreigner was too firmly seated to be permanently expelled. But 
in Kerry and Cork the Irish pressed down from the mountain 
strongholds to which they had been confined, and recovered 
district after district in the level country from the enemy. 29 

This revival of Irish power continued during the forty years of 
Donnell Roe's reign after the battle of Callan, and during the fifty- 
six years of the rule of his grandson, Cormac Mor. 30 

Magunihy was cleared; the clans of Duhallow, freed from any 
dependence on the foreigner, were placed under the direct rule of 
an offshoot from the main Mac Carthy line ; De Cogan and Barrett 
were driven from the valley of the Lee ; Blarney, barely seven miles 
from Cork, became a Mac Carthy stronghold. 

Gofraidh Fionn O'Dalaigh, hereditary poet to the Kings of 
Desmond, exhorts Donnell Oge II., son and successor of Cormac 
Mor, to lead the Eoghanacht of Caiseal back to their old homes 
on the place of Padraig's tent," turning his back on Dairbhre's 
shore, the bay of rough peaked Beirre, Corca Duibhne, and the 
ports of Uidhne, and the fair-shored lake where he was born and 
reared. 31 Let him leave to the two Eoghanachts of West Mumha 
the lands which were their sires'; to each lord leave his ancestral 
dominion. Let him lead his chiefs and their departing folk into 
that fair, festive plain, yew-clad, swan-haunted, lovely, and there 
let him set each chief in his own land of the tuaths of smooth-built 

28 Killorglin must afterwards have been recovered by the Geral dines. 

29 See, for the destruction caused by the Irish, the Inquisitions on the 
death of John FitzThomas taken in 1282, and of Thomas FitzMauriee in 
1298-99. C. Docs., Ir. 

30 Donnell Roe, however, wrote to the King " vehemently desiring to 
be subjected to the King's domination and wishing beyond measure 
to acquire the King's friendship by his service." No doubt, he had no 
objection to acknowledging the distant King of England as his lord, pro- 
vided he was left in possession of the lands he held in opposition to the 

About May, 1285, letters of protection were issued for Donnell in coming 
to the King in England with a moderate retinue, horses and harness, 
About 1288-90 he is mentioned as hostile; later he paid a fine. Cal. 
Docs., Ir. 

31 For these lands (i.e., Kerry) thy folk left 
The hills around Caiseal 
Twas wrong to prefer wild glens 
To exchange wine for small ale ! (v. 12.) 

Lead us back the same road 
O curly-haired strong armed hero. 
Too long our absence from our country. 
Great our misery to miss it. (v. 15.) 

(Translated by Rev. L. McKenna, S.J., Irish Monthly, May and June, 


Caiseal; let each chief's house be set on the dwelling-spot of his 

Thus dreamed and sang the fourteenth century bard. But as 
he himself says in another poem : " In our poems we promise the 
Gaoidhil a kingdom they never get." 32 And Mac Carthy and 
O 'Sullivan have remained in Kerry and Cork unto this day. 33 

The Annals of Loch Ce record the death of Donnell Roe in 1298, 
and again, with more detail, in 1302. 34 The Annals of Ulster give 
this latter date, which is probably the correct one. He, therefore, 
outlived his father by fifty-four years, and, if we can believe 
Cronnelly, attained to the ripe age of ninety-eight. His son, 
Donnell Oge, succeeded him. 

From another son, whose name is given as Eoghan in some of 
the pedigrees, Keating, Life and Letters, and one Lambeth pedi- 
gree derive the Clan Donnell Roe, who, in the sixteenth century, 
had large possessions in the barony of Bantry. Both Lambeth 
pedigrees give him two other sons; from one, Dermond Mor, they 
derive the Mac Donough Mac Carthys of Duhallow ; from the other, 
Dermond Roe, they derive the Mac Fyneen Mac Carthys of Glane- 
rought. Both of these sons are omitted by Keating. 

Cronnelly and Life and Letters, following him, mention only 
one Dermod, called of Tralee, because he was slain there in 1325 
by Fitzmaurice, Lord of Kerry, ancestor of Lord Lansdowne, as 
he sat on the bench beside the judge of assize. From Finghin, son 
of Dermod of Tralee, come the Mac Fyneens. 

But Mac Firbis and the Book of Minister make both Eoghan, 
ancestor of Clan Donnell Roe, and Dermod of Tralee, sons, not 
of Donnell Roe, but of his son and successor, Donnell Oge. We 
learn from the Annals of Ulster that this Donnell Oge was also 
called Donnell Roe; hence confusion might easily arise. 35 

Donnell Oge died in 1203 according to the Annals of Loch Ce 
and those of Ulster. 36 The printed pedigrees give him only one 
son, his successor Cormac Mor. But, as I have said above, some 

32 Irish Monthly, Sept., 1919. 

33 Nicholas Browne says that in his day the " Irishrey " " doe hope 
for a tyme wherein they may recouer the whole Prouynce "\\ eh they 
accounte to be their owne inheritance, and as famyliarly doe reckon w fh 
landes weare their auncestors 400 yeares since, as if they had byn but 
dryuen out of them in their owne memorie." And the Four Masters, 
under date 1560, call Eoghanacht Caisel, and the lands about the Suir 
" the lawful patrimonial inheritance of the descendants of Eoghan Mor 
and Cormac Cas." 

34 Domhnall Ruadh Mac C, King of Des-Mumba — i.e., the oldest and 
noblest, the most bountiful and valiant, and the most formidable and 
triumphant Gaiedhel in battles and conflicts of all the Gaiedhil of Erinn, 
died after the victory of penitence in this year (A. Loch Ce, 1302). 

35 Father MacKenna in Irish Monthly. The date 1325 of the death of 
Dermod of Tralee might suit a son of Donnell Oge better than a son of 
Donnell Roe. Cox also makes Dermod of Tralee a son of Donnell Oge. 

36 But Laine and those who follow him place his death in 1207. 


of our pedigrees make him father of Eoghan, founder of Clan 
Donnell Roe and of Dermod of Tralee. 

The two Lambeth pedigrees introduce a further confusion by 
making him father of Dermod, from whom descended the Lords 
of Muskerry, and of Eoghan, founder of the Sliocht Eoghan Mor 
of Coshmaing. This descent is repeated in a separate pedigree of 
the sept of Coshmaing in vol. 626. 37 

But all the other pedigrees agree that the progenitors of these 
two lines were sons of Cormac Mor. As the Lambeth pedigrees 
altogether omit Donnell Oge II., son of Cormac Mor, and as 
Donnell's existence, as well as that of his father Cormac, his 
brother Dermod of Muskerry, and his grandfather Donnell Oge I. 
can be proved not only from the annals but from the poems of 
Oofraidh Fionn O'Dalaigh, we may take it that in this respect the 
Lambeth pedigrees must be rejected. 

Cormac Mor died, according to the Annals of Loch Ge, in 1259, 
fifty-six years after his father. If we could believe Cronnelly's 
date for his birth, he lived to the age of eighty- eight, as did also 
his son and successor, Donnell Oge II. 38 

Under him the power of his house perhaps reached its highest 
extent. He had several sons in addition to his son and successor 
Donnell Oge II. On one of them, Dermod, the lordship of Mus- 
kerry was conferred, subject to very small reservations in favour 
of the senior line. In the sixteenth century the descendants of 
Dermod held nearly all Muskerry north of the Lee, while the 
O'Learys and O'Mahonys south of that river acknowledged the 
supremacy of his successors in the lordship. The Lords of Mus- 
kerry ultimately became the wealthiest and most influential of all 
the descendants of Carthagh. 

To another son, Eoghan, was given the lordship of Coshmaing. 
This district stretched from the modern boundary of Cork across 
the northern and western parts of the barony of Magunihy to close 
to Castlemaine. In later days it formed part of the immense 
property of the Earls of Kenmare. 

Coshmaing was a frontier district, forming a barrier between 
the lands of the Geraldines and the rest of the Kerry lands of the 
Mac Carthys. In the same way Muskerry formed a frontier barrier 
to the east, and Duhallow to the north-east against the foreigner. 

37 All the Lambeth pedigrees which I have seen omit Donnell Oge II. 

38 According to Cronnelly, Cormac Mor was bom in 1271, and Donnell 
Oge II. in 1303. Cronnelly gives 1371 as the date of Donnell's death, so 
would only give him sixty-eight years. But the annals give 1391 as 
the true date of Donnell's death. 

Laine gives a totally different account. He says Cormac Mor was 
succeeded by his eldest son Taig, and he by his next brother Florence, 
and that the latter died in 1350 when Donnell Oge succeeded. Friar 
Clyn calls Dermod of Tralee, murdered in 1325, King of Desmond ; but 
this is not confirmed by our other authorities. 


The Mac Carthy chiefs seem to have deliberately adopted a policy 
of securing their conquests by handing them over as appanages to 
the younger branches of their house. This policy ultimately had 
bad effects. The rights reserved by the head of the house were 
small ; the possibility of gaining additional territory by conquest 
passed from the ruler to the junior branches ; and as these increased 
in power their allegiance to the parent house grew more precarious. 
Hence we find in the sixteenth century that, though Mac Carthy 
Mor ruled over a territory which in extent and population equalled 
that ruled over by any other Irish family, with the exception of 
the O'Neills of Tyrone, yet the heads of the clan played but a com- 
paratively small part in the history of the period. 39 

Besides Dermod and Eoghan, Cormac Mor had a son, Donough, 
from whom came the Sliocht Fyneen Duff of Ardcanaghty, who 
held a small estate in the baronies of Magunihy and Trughanacmy 
in the sixteenth century. O'Hart gives other sons, of whose 
posterity there is no record. 

In 1391, Donnell Oge II., King of Desmond, died after peni- 
tence, and the Annals of Ulster tell us that " his son Tadhg was 
made king in his stead over Desmond." This Tadhg is called 
of the Monastery," perhaps because he founded or enlarged the 
Friary of Irrelagh or Muckross. 40 I cannot find his death recorded 
in the annals. 41 He was succeeded by his son, Donnell Oge III. 

Tadhg had at least two other sons, Cormac, whose death in 
1473 is recorded in the Annals of Loch Ce, which call him Tanist 
of Des-Mumha, and Diarmaid, who, according to the same autho- 
rity, was slain in 1489 by the Earl of Desmond. 

From Cormac, son of Tadhg, come the Sliocht Cormac of 
Dunguile. This is the latest sept to break off from the main line. 
Of the descendants of Donnell Oge III. few seem to have had more 
than two sons, and several died without male heirs; so that 
Donnell, the last Mac Carthy Mor, and first Earl of Clancarthy, 
had no near male relatives. His son, Tadhg or Teige. Baron of 
Valentia, died in his father's lifetime; and so, on the death of Earl 

39 Nicholas Browne, in his letter on the state of Minister in 1597, says : 
" ffor thear beinge many howses yssued out of MeCarty More's howse, 
whearby his lande grewe to a very small proportion, then he began to 
exacte duties and ympositions uppon those yonger howses, w ch they 
would not endure." So they sided against him with the Earl of Des- 

Nicholas Browne also says that if the followers of MacCarthy Mor 
were united they could make from seven to eight thousand armed men. 

40 The Four Masters say Irrelagh was founded in 1340 by Donnell 
MacC. This is obviously wrong, as Cormac Mor was king in that year. 
Donnell Oge III., son of Tadhg, completed the building. 

41 Cronnelly gives 1413 : this is taken from Laine. But the latter says 
that Donnell Oge was succeeded by his elder son Donnell, and that 
Tadhg, the second son, only succeeded in 1409. This absolutely conflicts 
with the annals. 


Donnell, the lawful posterity in the male line of Donnell Oge III. 42 
became extinct. 

To Donnell Oge III., who died in 1468, 43 succeeded his son 
Tadhg, who is named as Mac Carthy Mor in 1489 by the Annals of 
Ulster, which relate, under that year, that he slew Patrikin, son 
of the Knight of Kerry. He is probably the " Teige Leith " (the 
greybeard) referred to in some Elizabethan documents bearing on 
the estate of Donnell, Earl of Clan Carthy. Tadhg had at least 
two sons, Donnell who succeeded him, and who died, according 
to the Four Masters, in 1508, and Cormac Ladhrach, who, on his 
brother's death, contended for the lordship of Desmond with 
Tadhg na Leamhna, son of Donnell. 44 

Apparently during this struggle, the first of which we hear in 
the annals of Desmond for over two centuries, the Earl of Kildare, 
with O 'Donnell of Tir Connell, invaded Duhallow and Desmond, 
taking Kanturk, " the Pailis," which was the chief residence of 
Mac Carthy Mor, and the castles along the Maine in their en- 
tirety. As a result, Cormac Ladhrach prevailed; but in 1513 
Tadhg attacked him, and Desmond was divided into two parts 
between them. Tadhg died next year " in his bed as was not ex- 

Cormac then ruled without opposition; but in 1516 the Annals 
of Loch Ce tell us " Mac Carthy Mor — i.e., Cormac Ladhrach, son 
of Tadhg, lord of Des-Mumha, the man who best obtained his 
government, and who encountered the greatest hostility until he 
was undisputed lord, and who was the best protector of the learned 
and destitute, and whose law and rule were the best of all the 
princes of Leth-Modha — died." 

Next year the Annals of the Four Masters tell us that the Castle 
of the Lake was taken from Cormac 's sons; but they do not say by 
whom. From this entry it is evident that he had more than one 
son. The pedigree in Lambeth MSS., vol. 626, gives him two 
sons — Teg (i.e., Tadhg), who left no sons, and Donnell, who 
succeeded him. 45 

42 According to Nicholas Browne, Donnell, elder son of Tadhg Liath, 
had no sons. This, we know from the Four Masters, is untrue. Then 
Cormac Ladhrach, second son to Tadhg, had two sons, an elder son, 
Tadhg, who died without male issue, apparently before his father, and 
a younger son, Donnell. This Donnell again had two sons, an elder son, 
Tadhg, who left one daughter, and who apparently died before his father, 
and a younger son, Donnell, the Earl. 

43 Annals of Loch Ce. 

44 The pedigree in Lambeth MSS., vol. 626, omits this Tadhg, and says 
Donnell died s. p. male. Nicholas Browne says Donnell had no sons, but 
divers daughters married to Lords who have issue by them. Browne 
is trying to prove a thesis, and may have merely meant to imply that 
Donnell had no son who left offspring. But these entries show how 
inaccurate even the most categorical statements by Elizabethan writers 
may be. 

45 Both the Lambeth pedigree and Nicholas Browne say that Tadhg 
was the elder son. He must have died in his father's lifetime. He left 
several daughters who married and had children. 


From the Annals of Loch Ce he would appear to have had 
another son, Cormac. 

Of Donnell, known as Donnell an Druimin, nothing seems to 
be recorded beyond the fact that he received a grant of ' ' English 
liberty." His son and successor, another Donnell, submitted to 
Queen Mary, and was made Earl of Clancare, or Clancarthy, by 
Elizabeth. 46 By his wife he had a son Tadhg, Baron of Valentia, 
who predeceased him. His daughter, Ellen, married Florence, 
tanist of Carbery, son of Sir Donough Mac Carthy Reagh. 

The intrigues which filled the last years of the lord of such great 
possessions are told at length in the Life and Letters of Florence 
Mac Carthy M6r. When the Earl died in 1596, the natural heir, 
according to Irish ideas, would have been his illegitimate son 
Donnell. But English law and ideas had begun to prevail, and 
although Donnell assumed the title of Mac Carthy Mor, and was 
for a time supported by the Government, he ultimately was con- 
tented with a large estate carved for him out of the demesne lands 
of his father. 

His lands passed to his reputed son, Donnell Oge, who seems 
to have resided at Ballincarrig, near Ballybrack station. His 
property was confiscated by Cromwell. Although at -the Restora- 
tion he received a Royal letter commending his loyalty and recog- 
nising his sufferings for the Royal cause, he failed to recover any of 
his lands. (Cal St. Papers, 1663, p. 183, and Books of Survey and 

Ellen, wife of Florence, was recognised as heiress to the greater 
part of the remainder of the demesne lands. They passed to her 
descendants, until, in the eighteenth century, the last of these, 
having no children, left them to his father-in-law, Herbert, 
descendant of an " undertaker " of Elizabethan days, and 
ancestor of the Herberts of Muckross. 

As for the various sovereign rights, the cuttings and spendings, 
the horses' meat and dogs' meat, the sroans of oats and quirrens 
of butter, and all the other dues payable to the Irish kings, they 
were vested in the Crown and extinguished, and the lordship of 
Mac Carthy Mor came to an end. 

The climax of the power of Mac Carthy Mor was reached appar- 
ently in the fourteenth century under Cormac Mor and his son 
Donnell Oge II., whose two reigns occupy a space of eighty-eight 

The longevity of the Mac Carthy house is, indeed, remarkable. 
Even if we dismiss as baseless the extraordinary statements given 
by Cronnelly, founded apparently on Laine, and confine ourselves 
to the dates recorded in the annals, we get very curious results. 47 

46 In 1565 or 1566. Donnell had an elder brother Tadhg, according to 
the Lambeth MSS. and to Nicholas Browne. The latter says Tadhg had 
a daughter, Catherine. Tadhg must have died in his father's lifetime. 

47 If we could trust Cronnelly, Muireadhach died aged 81, his son 


Carthagh, as we have seen, was slain in a.d. 1045. His grand- 
son, Cormac, was murdered ninety-three years later, and Cormac's 
son, Dermod, was slain forty-seven years later. If we were to 
count Donnell Eoe's reign from the date of his father's death, then- 
it, with that of his grandson and great-grandson, would cover 148 
years. The annals do not record the death of Tadhg na Manis- 
tragh, 48 but his reign and that of his son, Donnell Oge III., cover 
seventy-seven years; and if the Annals of Loch Ce are correct in 
stating that the Diarmaid slain in 1489 by the Earl of Desmond 
was 3, son of Tadhg, son of Domnhall Oge Mac Carthy Mor, ninety- 
eight years had elapsed between his death and that of his grand- 

The reigns of the later Mac Carthys are much shorter. Those 
of Tadhg Liath, son of Donnell Oge HI., and of Tadhg's two sons, 
Donnell and Cormac Ladhrach, cover only forty-eight years. But 
the two last of the line, Donnell an Druimin, and Donnell the 
Earl, fill the space of eighty years between them. 

After Donnell Oge II. the family appears to have produced no 
members of outstanding abilities. 

It is curious to note that in Wales we find the same phenomenon 
of princes who, if they did not meet a violent death, lived and 
reigned for periods abnormally long as compared with the contem- 
porary kings of England and France. The later generations of 
these Welsh princely families frequently intermarried with the 
Norman nobility; and this admixture of new blood seems to have 
led to the weakening of the old vigorous Celtic stock, and to the 
rapid extinction of the native dynasties in the male line. The same 
failure of male heirs is noticeable in the history of the noble French 
families who settled, as a result of the Crusades, in Syria and 
Greece. It is, perhaps, not altogether fanciful to attribute the 
decline and ultimate extinction of the senior line of the 
Mac Carthy house to the intermixture of foreign blood. If Laine 
can be trusted, Donnell Eoe married Margaret FitzMaurice, and 
Cormac Mor married Honora FitzMaurice. We know, however, 
from O'Dalaigh's poems that the mother of Cormac's children was 
Mor from the North," so that if Laine be right he was twice 

According to Laine, Donnell Oge II. married Joan FitzGerald, 

Cormac was 84 when he was murdered, and Cormac's son, Dermod, was 
slain at the age of 87. Then Donnell Roe died aged 98. Cormac Mor 
and Donnell Oge II. both reached the age of 88. Donnell Oge III. is said 
to have been 95 at his death, and Tadhg Liath was slain at the age of 83 
in battle with the Earl of Desmond. Tadhg na Mainistragh died a mere 
stripling of 73. It is only fair to Cronnelly to say that he seems to have 
scruples about Donnell Oge III. He gives his birth year as 1373, and 
says he died at an advanced age. The Annals of Loch Ce give 1468 as 
the year of his death. 
48 Cronnelly says he died in 1413 in the City of Cork. 


Cormac Ladhrac married Eleanor FitzMaurice, and Earl Donnell 
married Honora FitzGerald. 

There are several other points of interest in the story of the 
Mac Carthy family; but for reasons of space I omit them. 

I had also intended to illustrate what I have written above by 
a list of the various septs which, from time to time branched off 
from the parent house, with their relationship as far as it can be 
shown. But for the same reason I must omit this until some more 
favourable time. 

Note on the Pedigree. 

The chief confusion in the Mac Carthy pedigree arises from the 
various Dermods. The simplest solution would be if we could take 
Dermod, son of Cormac Finn, slain at Tralee in 1234 or 1235, to be 
ancestor of Clan Dermond, his nephew, son of Donnell Roe, to be 
ancestor of Duhallow, and his nephew, son of Donnell Oge L, to be 
ancestor of Mac Finghin. Mac Finghin certainly comes from the 
Dermod slain at Tralee in 1325, but it is not certain whether he was 
a son of Donnell Roe, or of Donnell Oge I. But the preponderance 
of authorities seem to be in favour of deriving the Mac Donoughs of 
Duhallow from Dermod, son of Cormac Fionn. This is the view 
of the Four Masters, when they give, Anno 1501, the pedigree of 
the Lord of Duhallow who died in that year. 

The next simplest solution would be if we could follow 
Keating in giving Cormac Fionn two sons named Dermod, but 
differ from him by deriving Clan Dermond, and not, as he says, 
Mac Finghin, from the second one. 

Then Mac Finghin would come from a Dermod son either of 
Donnell Roe or of Donnell Oge I. 

The house of Muskerry certainly comes from Dermod, son of 
Cormac Mor. The Lambeth pedigrees, and the curious account 
given in the Calendar of the Carew MSS., 1617, may, I think, be 

t) o 
c „ 




a J 

OP ~^ 

3) S 













» v. 



1 1 " 

VIS" . 

^ ^ ^ ^ k ^ 

5) >^ 


Cormac Ladhrac married Eleanor FitzMaurice, and Earl Donnell 
married Honora FitzGerald. 

There are several other points of interest in the story of the 
Mac Carthy family; but for reasons of space I omit them. 

I had also intended to illustrate what I have written above by 
a list of the various septs which, from time to time branched off 
from the parent house, with their relationship as far as it can be 
shown. But for the same reason I must omit this until some more 
favourable time. 

Note on the Pedigree. 

The chief confusion in the Mac Carthy pedigree arises from the 
various Dermods. The simplest solution would be if we could take 
Dermod, son of Cormac Finn, slain at Tralee in 1234 or 1235, to be 
ancestor of Clan Dermond, his nephew, son of Donnell Roe, to be 
ancestor of Duhallow, and his nephew, son of Donnell Oge I., to be 
ancestor of Mac Finghin. Mac Finghin certainly comes from the 
Dermod slain at Tralee in 1325, but it is not certain whether he was 
a son of Donnell Roe, or of Donnell Oge I. But the preponderance 
of authorities seem to be in favour of deriving the Mac Donoughs of 
Duhallow from Dermod, son of Cormac Fionn. This is the view 
of the Four Masters, when they give, Anno 1501, the pedigree of 
the Lord of Duhallow who died in that year. 

The next simplest solution would be if we could follow 
Keating in giving Cormac Fionn two sons named Dermod, but 
differ from him by deriving Clan Dermond, and not, as he says, 
Mac Finghin, from the second one. 

Then Mac Finghin would come from a Dermod son either of 
Donnell Roe or of Donnell Oge I. 

The house of Muskerry certainly comes from Dermod, son of 
Cormac Mor. The Lambeth pedigrees, and the curious account 
given in the Calendar of the Carew MSS., 1617, may, I think, be 

circa, 950 A.D-, 



Showing the origin, descent, and order 
succession of the house of 


d. 1092, A.U 
ing of Ct 

Slain 117?, 
a. auo Clan Sha 

a. qutpDuhallow^ 
S-srm -r.i 
, ■: 2:— at Trail, 

K.D.. d. 121° 

.-.< fix. 

To.dhg Roe na Sgairtc, 

(6), Donne// Gott. 
K.D., slain 1251. 
lT/ac Can 

1 hi-r. >r;.i.- . i,.-, 

(Ill, Cormac Trior. 
K.D.. d. 1359.^ A.L.C.. 

1/21 Donnell Oge. LZ. 

(13), Tadkg na 77/anistragh 
K.D., y AM, (after him iht 
does not occur as j 

a quo S/iocht 
Cormac cf Dunguile 

(15), Tadhg Li at. 

, if Tad ha r.a ^eamhnt 

. djp, 1514. A.F.m.. 

dnioea Desmond a/ith 

(C.D.,. Xing of Desmond. 
Wat £. Tit, ■ TTlac &trthy Mir. 
A.l.a, ■ Annals of Loch Ci, 
A.U.. . Annals of Ulster, 
A.F.JT1., J*. efihe Four 
d, . died.. 
S.p., • without offspring, 
numbers give order qf succession 

from K. Dermod, thus (1). 

oiied before his father 

i2C< Donne!! 

lac em., 

d 1596. 

Baron of V.i.£'it,.i 

d.s.p, before his fathei 

Sir Donough 77/ac Carr/n, V 





By W. G. Strickland, Hon. Secretary. 

[Read 9 December, 1919.] 

In the stables of the Mansion House, Dublin, is kept the old State 
Coach of the City of Dublin, and in the National Museum in Kildare 
Street is that of the Earl of Clare, Lord Chancellor of Ireland. 
These carriages were built about the same time, one in Dublin in 
1791, and the other in London in 1790; and they made their public 
appearance together on the 4th November, 1791 — rival examples 
of the Dublin and London coachbuilders' craft. 

I. The Lord Mayor's State Coach. 

The City of Dublin did not possess a state coach for the use of its 
Lord Mayor until the latter half of the eighteenth century. Before 
that time the Chief Magistrate either went on foot in public pro- 
cessions and state ceremonials, or provided his own carriage. 

At the inauguration of the statue of King William on 1st July, 
1701, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen walked in procession to 
College Green; but the Lords Justices who took part in the cere- 
mony drove in their coaches. 

At the celebration of the birthday of King George II., on 30th 
October, 1732, the Lord Mayor, Humphrey French, made, as we 
read in Pue's Occurrences "the greatest appearance that ever was 
known on such an occasion. His lordship rode in his state coach, 
drawn by six horses, whose tails and manes were tied with blue 
ribbons, their ear-knots the same, and before him his body coach, 
with two horses, attended by several footmen on each side of the 
coach, with blue cockades in their hats." This state coach was 
provided by Lord Mayor French himself, and it does not appear 
how far his example was followed by his immediate successors. 

Faulkner's Dublin Journal of 6-9 July, 1751, tells us that the 
Lord Mayor and Masters of the several corporations, or gilds, 
walked from the Tholsel to the New Gardens in Great Britain 
Street to lay the foundations of the new Hospital. 

The earliest state coach in Ireland is said to have been brought 
over by Arthur, Lord Grey de Wilton, Lord Deputy, 1580-1582. 

( 49 ) 



The Lord Lieutenant's state coach, drawn by eight horses, is 
mentioned in 1732, when we are told that on the arrival of a Lord 
Lieutenant in Ireland he was received with much state ; " on such 
occasions more than 300 coaches rilled with nobility and gentry 
have appeared." 1 In Tudor's engraved view of the Upper Castle 
Yard, about 1753, a state coach, drawn by eight horses, no doubt- 
that of the Lord Lieutenant, is shown. 

State Coach of the Lord Lieutenant. 
c. 1753. 

In 1757 the City of London built a state coach for its Lord 
Mayor. Not to be behindhand, the Aldermen, Sheriff, and 
Commons of the City of Dublin, anxious to uphold the dignity of 
their Chief Magistrate, determined that he should appear on public 
occasions with befitting state. So we find that at the City Assembly 
on July 22nd, 1763. " certain of the Commons setting forth that 
supporting the grandeur of the Chief Magistrate of the City must 
necessarily reflect honour upon this Corporation and respect by 
the public, that there is nothing more wanting than a state coach 
to add dignity to the Lord Mayor's appearance in public days, it 
was ordered that a committee be appointed to provide a state coach 
for succeeding Lord Mayors, the expense whereof, with a suitable 
set of harness, not to exceed £400." (Assembly Roll, 1763, July 

1 See Gilbert's Calendar of Records of City of Dublin, vol. x, appendix, 
pages 521-2. 



22. ) 2 There is no record of any steps having been taken to carry 
out this resolution; the city was saved the expense of providing a 
carriage by the generosity of the Marquess of Kildare. James, 20th 
Earl of Kildare, created Marquess of Kildare in 1761, and 
Duke of Leinster in 1766, had ever evinced a great 
interest in the City of Dublin and its welfare, and he 
now came forward and presented to the City a " Berlin " for the 
use of the Lord Mayor on state occasions. There is no record 
of the exact date or circumstances of this gift; the first mention 
in the City Assembly Bolls occurs three years after the resolu- 

State Coach of the Lord Mayor of London. 

tion for the providing of a state coach, when, on July 18, 1766, it 
was ordered that £100 be paid for the repair of " a Berlin made 
a present to the City of Dublin by the most noble Marquis of 
Kildare." In 1768, £50 was allowed " to reimburse the late Lord 
Mayor, Edward Sankey, for his expenses in providing horses and 
servants on public days for the state coach presented to the City 
by the most noble James, Duke of Leinster." (Assembly Rolls.) 
The style of carriage known as a " Berlin " was invented in 

2 The coachbuilders in Dublin about this period were : Charles Strong, 
Richard Jones, Gordon and Williams, Kavanagh and Sweeny, Henry 
Fielding, John Hale, John Donohue, John Hussey, James Wright, 
Arthur Parks, Thomas Grimston, Peter Tone, James Dodd, Benjamin 
Lynall, William Daton, Christopher Madden, Russell Dimond, Dudley 
Harricks, Collier and Collins, Richard Jackson, George Collier, Robert 
Langan, Barnaby Rooney, Oliver Zouch, John Gilligan, John Dry, 
Patrick Fitzsimon, William Peery, Thomas Donnelly, John Franklin, 
Henry Williams, John Fulham, Samuel Hale, Thomas O'Brien, John 
Nowlan, Edward Savage, George Woodborn, Peter Kennedy, James 
Jackson, Robert Spring. (See Faulkner's Dublin Journal, 5--7 May, 


Germany, and was originally intended for use as a light travelling- 
carriage. It was hung on upright springs; the sides and ends were 
of leather, and could be rolled up so as to form an open carriage, 
and behind was a hooded seat. But the term " Berlin " came to 
be rather loosely used; the City Berlin was probably no more a 
Berlin than the subsequently built state coach to which the term 
was sometimes applied. 

The Earl of Kildare's Berlin continued to be used as a state 
carriage for the Lord Mayor for over twenty years, and during that 
period there is frequent mention in the City records of money 
being voted for its maintenance and repair; between 1767 and 1787 
over £220 having been paid to Charles Strong, coachbuilder, for 
work upon it. Eventually, however, the carriage fell into such a 
state of decrepitude that further expenditure upon it was useless. 
At an Assembly held in July, 1788, when the Aldermen brought 
forward a recommendation for the repair of " the old City Berlin 
or Lord Mayor's State Coach," Mr. Gilford said that if £50 was 
expended on it, it would not, he considered, be worth £15. 3 Charles 
Strong, a leading Dublin coachbuilder and a Sheriff's Peer, who 
had been keeping it in repair for many years, said that if £100 was 
granted for the present repairs he would engage to keep the Berlin 
in good order for seven years at £20 per annum. 4 The Assembly, 
however, came to the conclusion that any further expenditure in 
endeavouring to maintain the carriage in proper order would be 
thrown away, and the recommendation of the Aldermen was, there- 
fore, refused. (See Dublin Chronicle, 17-19 July, 1788). It was, 
however, felt that the Lord Mayor should be provided with a state 
carriage, and a year later, during the mayoralty of John Rose, at 
an Assembly held on 17th July, 1789, it was resolved that a com- 
mittee be appointed " to prepare a new coach for the use of the 
Chief Magistrate of the City at an expense not exceeding £600." 
In accordance with this resolution a committee was appointed, 
and advertisements were inserted in the newspapers asking for 
tenders for the proposed work. The following appeared in 
Faulkner's Dublin Journal of 1st August, 1789: — " Notice. — The 
Committee appointed by the Corporation of the City of Dublin 
for purchasing a State Coach for the Chief Magistrate hereby give 
notice that they will receive drawings and estimates for the same, 
to be lodged in the Town Clerk's Office on or before the 1st 
Monday in September next. Dated this 27th July, 1789. N.B.— 
The Committee will meet at the Tholsel at one o'clock on Monday 

3 John Gifford, of Suffolk Street, one of the representatives of the Cor- 
poration of Apothecaries on the Common Council. He was one of the 
Sheriffs of the City in 1793-94. 

4 Charles Strong was at this time carrying on his business at 23 
Dominick Street, having previously been in Strand Street. He died in 
June, 1790, and was buried in Powerscourt Church. (Dublin Chronicle, 
June, 1790.) 



next when such Irish artists as choose to undertake the same will 
receive every necessary information on the subject." On the 28th 
August the Committee reported ' ' that on 3rd August they directed 
an advertisement to be published for Irish artists to lay models of a 
State Coach before them, together with estimates of the expense 
of building same, and that on conversing with, and enquiring from, 
several coachmakers relative to expense of building an elegant 
State Coach, find that the sum of £600 is totally insufficient for the 
purpose of purchasing a suitable State Coach, but that it will take 
a sum of £1,200 to have same completed in a manner becoming the 
consequence, grandeur and dignity of their great City." The 
Corporation agreed to this expenditure, and further ordered that 
the old Berlin should be disposed of, " as the keeping thereof is an 
annual expense to the Corporation." (Assembly Roll, 16th Oct., 
1789.) The Committee accordingly went on with the arrange- 
ments for the building of a carriage, and entrusted the work 
to William Whitton, of Dominick Street, one of the principal coach- 
builders in Dublin. 5 Whitton proceeded with the building of the 
coach, employing the best craftsmen and artists he could find in 
Dublin. But the action of the Committee and the increase in the 
proposed expenditure did not meet with the approval of some of 
the Commons, who attempted to stop the work. (See Dublin 
Chronicle, 22nd January, 1790). The attempt was unsuccessful, 
and the Dublin Chronicle, in its issue of 11th September, 1790, 
informed its readers that " the new City State Coach building 
by Mr. Whitton is in such forwardness as to enable that ingenious 
mechanic to launch it from his yard on the 4th November next, 
so as to grace the gala procession round College and Stephen's 
Green on that day." The coach was, however, not completed for 
the procession in November, 1790. The reason for the delay was 

5 The coachbuilders of Dublin about this period — mostly carrying on 
their business on the north side — were : — in Dominick Street, William 
Dalton, Charles Strong, and William Whitton; in Great Britain Street, 
George Cairncross, Denis Costello, Charles Jones, Eobert Poole, William 
Smyth and John Hutton. Hutton started his business in 1780 in Britain 
Street, moving afterwards to Summer Hill, where the business is still 
carried on. In Jervis Street, Philip Costello, Thomas Dodd, and Thomas 
Langan; in Bow Lane, Laurence Hyland; in Henry Street, John Clinton 
and John Costello; in Marlborough Street, Francis Dodd and Dudley 
Harricks; in Dorset Street, Thomas Gogarty; in North Earl Street, 
James Dodd ; in North King Street, Francis Walsh ; in Bull Lane, George 
Reynolds; in Mary Street, William Long (a business which continued 
until 1872); in Cole's Lane, Laurence Monk; in Kevin Street, William 
Bond and William Collier; in Cuffe Street, James Collins; in South King 
Street, Henry Holmes ; in Whitef riar's Street, John Nowlan ; in Stephen 
Street, John Welwood. 

The coachmakers belonged to the Saddlers' Guild or Corporation, 
which included saddlers, upholders, coach and harness makers, and 
was represented on the Common Council by three members. William 
Whitton was elected on the 4th November, 1789, as one of the represen- 
tatives of the Guild on the Common Council. 


probably owing to the appearance during the year of the Lord 
Chancellor's London-built coach, which on its arrival in Dublin 
in September was exhibited to the public in the Chancellor's 
stables, and was the admiration of everyone for its design and work- 
manship. Determined not to be outdone, and in order to show 
that Dublin could produce as fine work as London, the Corporation 
were now resolved, regardless of expense, to rival and excel the 
state coach of the Lord Chancellor, and so the whole design was 
probably revised and the ornamentation made more elaborate. The 
coach was still unfinished in March, 1791, for the Morning Post or 
Dublin Courant announced, 31st March, that the coach was so far 
advanced that it would be ready for the Lord Mayor's use in 
November; but in May, Whitton prayed for further time to com- 
plete his work, and was given until 1st September. And so, on the 
4th November, 1791, the new State Coach made its first appear- 
ance on the occasion of the annual celebration of the birthday of 
King William, which the Lord Mayor attended in state. It was 
not used at the inauguration of the new Lord Mayor a month pre- 
viously, when, on the 30th September, Alderman Henry Gore 
Sankey went in state to the Castle to be sworn in. In this cere- 
monial procession the Lord Mayor used his own state carriage, also 
built by Whitton, and a contemporary account tells us that he dis- 
played " much greater splendour than any of his predecessors 
within our memory." His equipage is thus described: — " His 
led coach was a neat, green carriage, drawn by six black horses; 
his own coach, launched for the occasion, was very elegant. The 
body is cream-coloured, with a broad border of entwined wreaths 
of roses and other flowers ; the carriage is green, neatly picked in 
with cream colour ; the hammercloth richly finished in scarlet and 
white lace and fringe, and the harness for the six blacks, which 
drew the carriage, splendid. It was preceded by ten footmen in 
liveries of burgundy colour, laced down all the seams with scarlet 
and white lace; scarlet waistcoats and breeches fully laced, and 
broad, silver-laced hats, bands and tassels. These were followed 
by four officers of his Lordship's household in full suits of green, 
richly laced with gold. The coach was surrounded by ten halber- 
diers dressed in the antique habits of the battleaxes, but blue and 
white, with the City arms embroidered on their breasts, and the 
letters C. D. on their buttons; their hose scarlet with white clocks, 
and their bonnets scarlet velvet with blue and silver riband." 
(Magee's Weekly Packet, 8th October, 1791.) The Sheriffs also 
had new state carriages — Benjamin Gault's built by Hutton, and 
John Norton's by Harricks. 6 Such was the state and pageantry 
kept up by the Chief Magistrate of the City of Dublin one hundred 
and twenty-eight years ago. 

6 Benjamin Gault, merchant, Mary's Abbey; John Norton, woollen 
draper, High Street. 

Plate XIII 

[To face page 54 



About a month later the Lord Mayor used the City State Coach 
for the first time, when he drove in it on Friday, the 4th November, 
1791, in the annual celebration of the birthday of King William. 
On this occasion there also appeared the London-built State Car- 
riage of Lord Fitzgibbon, Lord Chancellor, which had made its first 
public appearance the previous year, and the rival merits of the 
London and Dublin coachbuilders' work were thus submitted to 
the judgment of the public. The opinion, as might be expected, 
was jn favour of the Dublin carriage. The day was wet, very un- 
favourable for an outdoor pageant, and the streets almost im- 
passable with mud. " The new Berlin," says a contemporary 
newspaper account, " made its appearance on Friday for the first 
time. To convey a just idea of its elegance by words would be im- 
possible. . . . The City Berlin and the Chancellor's coach, 
from their situation in the train came immediately into com- 
petition; the former certainly lost nothing by this circumstance; 
the latter, if nothing else, gained an uninterrupted and universal 
hiss." Proceeding to a description of the city coach, the paper 
says : "In the furnishing of the six fine black horses by which it 
was drawn there was a correspondent union and display of taste 
and judgment, with a more conspicuous knowledge of effect than 
in the very expensive housings, &c, belonging to another state 
vehicle." (Magee's Weekly Packet, 12th November, 1791.) The 
Hibernian Magazine for November also gives an account and an 
enthusiastic description of the new coach: — " The Lord Mayor, 
the Lord Lieutenant, the Chancellor, &c, made the usual proces- 
sion round King William's statue and also round George II. in 
Stephen's Green. The new City Berlin made its appearance for 
the first time, ... it more than corresponded with the ex- 
pectations of the most sanguine friends of Irish genius, and 
afforded ocular demonstration that it must be of choice, not neces- 
sity, that a neighbouring Kingdom has been resorted to for a 
vehicle to suit the pomp of a newly- acquired dignity. . . . The 
number and splendour of the Lord Mayor's retinue added very con- 
siderably to the grandeur of the gala. The superior excellence 
of Irish workmanship, when contrasted with the most boasted pro- 
ductions of art and genius imported into this country was never 
more conspicuous than in the comparison impartially made 
between the Lord Chancellor's and the Lord Mayor's superb 
carriages, though the latter did not cost half the sum." 

Magee's Weekly Packet for 12th November. 1791, in its notice 
of the procession, tells us that " the Viceroy's carriage was not 
in the train — if It had it must have been eclipsed. 7 

7 The paper proceeds to say : — " Surely the Treasury cannot be so poor, 
notwithstanding places, pensions and peculations, but that the Vice 
should ride in a superb vehicle which might afford resemblance of 
dignity where perhaps it was intrinsically wanting." And in another 


A minute and detailed description of the City of Dublin's state 
coach appeared in Anthologia Hibernica in January, 1793. Com- 
paring this with the carriage itself, and curtailing some of the 
technical and verbose details — probably furnished by the coach- 
builder — the carriage may be thus described: — It is 24 feet in 
length, 8 feet in breadth, and 11^ feet high. The body, carved and 
gilt, was originally lined with crimson velvet trimmed with silk 
fringe, bullion tassels and silk lace, bearing the City Arms, with 
festooned curtains of blue lustring. The velvet lining has now 
given place to cloth. On the roof are two figures, representing 
Prudence directing Liberty. The figure of Liberty rests on three 
books, lettered " Magna Charta, " Charters of Dublin," and " Act 
of 33 Geo. II.," which confirmed the rights of the city. At each 
corner of the roof is a child figure. Each of them held in its hands 
bunches of orange lilies which, says the description, " reminds us 
of William III. who delivered these countries from a Popish 
tyrant." These reminders have long since been removed. Over 
the doors are the arms of Ireland, a harp on a blue field, impaling 
those of the City; the shield supported by two boys carrying the 
sword and mace. In the centre of the front and back edge of the 
roof are, respectively, the Keys of the City under a Cap of Main- 
tenance, and the Scales of Justice on a cushion. From the corners 
of the roof are festoons of flowers hanging over the glass panels. 
The waist, or centre line of the body, under the glass panels, is 
ornamented by a wheat-pattern girdle. The door panels, as well 
as the front and back panels, are painted with allegorical subjects. 
On the near door panel a female figure, representing the City of 
Dublin, offers a prize medal to figures bearing the emblems of 
Painting, Sculpture, Music, Poetry, &c. In the background is seen 
College Green with the statue of King William and the Parliament 

On the off-door panel, Apollo is represented instructing the 
muses to sing the praises of Hibernia ; while the genii of immor- 
tality hold the Crown of Ireland. Trinity College is seen in the 

On the front panel of the body of the carriage is depicted Com- 
merce recommending the manufactures of Ireland to the patronage 
and protection of the Lord Mayor who appears in his robes. The 
hurry and bustle of shipping is shown in the background. 

On the back panel, Minerva, the Goddess of Wisdom, directs 
the Lord Mayor and Corporation ; and in the background is shown 

paragraph it says : — " A grant will, no doubt, be made during the 
ensuing session for a new Viceregal State Carriage. After the admirable 
specimen of Irish art exhibited in the City Berlin, should the fondness 
of the governing junto for their native country induce them to import 
from thence this expensive gewgaw it will certainly be an insult and 
an injury to the people of Ireland which they, no doubt, will very 
sensibly feel." 



the road to Fame and Honour passing through the Temple of 

These painted panels are well preserved, and are evidently the 
work of a skilled artist; but no record has been found of the name 
of the painter. 8 Beviewing, however, the work of the contemporary 
Dublin artists, these paintings may be assigned to Vincent Waldre, 1 
the only painter of the period who would seem competent to 
execute them, and whose known work they resemble. This 
Vincent Waldre was an Italian artist who had been employed by 
George Earl Temple, afterwards Marquess of Buckingham, in the 
decorations at Stowe. When the Marquess came to Ireland in 
1787 as Lord Lieutenant for the second time, he brought Waldre 
over with him to carry out the decorations in the Castle. The 
painted ceiling of St. Patrick's Hall was his chief work. A good 
designer and colourist, his decorative work consisted chiefly of 
classical, historical, and allegorical subjects, and the painting of 
the coach panels have all the characteristics of his work. Waldre 
was not only a painter, but an architect and designer, and it is not 
improbable that he was responsible for the design and ornamen- 
tation of the coach, just as Sir William Chambers was the designer 
of the state coach built for George III. in 1761. 9 Whitton's bills, 
which might have given the name of the painter of the panels of 
the Dublin coach, are not to be found in the archives of the Dublin 

The elaborate carving and gilding was the work of a French 
artist then in Dublin — Charles Francis le Grand, from Paris. No 
particulars concerning him are known; his name, as a carver and 
gilder, appears in the Directories of 1792 and 1793, when he was 
living in Mecklenburg Street, and in 1794 and 1795, in Denmark 
Street. 10 

The under carriage is constructed with two curved cranes join- 
ing the fore and hind axle-bars. They are elegantly carved, the 
front end of each terminating in a wolf dog's head; the hind ones 
in cornucopia pouring out fruit. The continuation of the cranes 
from the dogs' mouths are carved with foliage, and passing over 
the axles curve upward and terminate in eagles' heads. These 
heads support the foot-board carved with festoons of fruit and 
flowers, with, in front, a figure of Fame borne in clouds and " pro- 

8 In Wilde's " Memoir of Gabriel Beranger," in the Journal of the 
Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, vol. i, 4th 
series, no. 1, p. 64, it is said that Bigari painted the panels of the coach. 
Bigari, however, was dead or had left Ireland many years before. 

9 The panels of the London coach were painted by Cipriani; the carv- 
ing was done by Nicholas Collet under the superintendence of Joseph 
Wilton, R.A., who held the appointment of " State-Coach Carver to the 
King." The coachbuilder was Butler. 

10 Le Grand exhibited carvings in Ellis's Museum in Mary Street in 
1792. In accounts of the exhibition he is referred to as " An astounding 
artist."* (Sentimental and Masonic Magazine, July, 1792.) 


claiming the rising grandeur of Ireland." In the centre, over the 
hind bar, are carved the Mace and Sword of State, with a shield 
bearing the City Arms. Behind the shield is an Eye " resplendent 
with glory, representing the penetration and discernment of the 
citizens in their choice of Magistrates." From the bars project 
two scroll-work brackets, each supporting a lion couchant. 

Over the fore and hind bars, behind each wheel, are carved, 
seated figures representing " Justice " and " Plenty " in front, 
and " Mercy " and " Liberality " behind. 

The body of the carriage is suspended by leather straps from 
upright wjhip springs. The original wheels, which were carved and 
ornamented, have been replaced by modern ones : and the lace- 
trimmed, velvet hammercloth, of the same pattern as the lining 
of the carriage, has been replaced by cloth. The painting of the 
groundwork on the carriage and wheels was originally of oriental 
cinnabar; but in the modern re-painting an ugly pinkish red or 
lake has been used which detracts much from the general tone and 

The harness provided for the horses is described as of crimson 
morocco leather, lined and edged with green, and ornamented with 
the Harp and Crown, Mace, Sword and City Arms. The saddle 
cloths were of crimson velvet, and the seats and panels of the 
saddles of green velvet. This harness is no longer in existence. 
The records of the Corporation tell us that at the Easter Assembly 
in 1808, £107 was voted to provide new harness for the state coach, 
the old harness being in such a state that it could not be used. The 
red silk reins now in the harness-room of the Mansion House are, 
perhaps, the only remnant of the original harness. 

The estimate for providing a state coach was, as approved of in 
1789, £1,200 ; but by the time the coach was finished this sum had 
been far exceeded. The committee in its formal report presented 
on the 19th January, 1792, announced that William Whitton had 
finished the coach " in a style of elegance and grandeur that does 
infinite credit to himself and honour to the artists and workmen of 
Ireland." The total cost had now amounted to £2,690 13s. 5d., 
and this sum was sanctioned by the Corporation and ordered to be 
paid. 11 The increase of expenditure upon the coach was, we may 
conjecture, caused by the determination of the Corporation to 
equal, if not eclipse, the London-built state carriage of the Lord 
Chancellor, and to ensure that their Chief Magistrate should not 
be outdone in the dignity and grandeur of his equipage, nor that 
the work of Dublin artizans be surpassed by that produced in 
London. Lord Fitzgibbon intended his state carriage to serve as 
an exemplar for the Dublin coachbuilders, and a pattern for imi- 
tation. It undoubtedly had the desired result, for the Dublin 
City coach owes much of its design and decoration to the Chan- 

ii The London State Coach cost £1,065 3s. Od. 



cellor's coach. The resemblances, when the two are examined 
and compared, are obvious; much of the work on the Dublin coach 
is clearly inspired by the Chancellor's London one. 

Whitton died in November, 1792, 12 and the balance owing to 
him by the City was paid to his widow, Eleanor, who continued 
the business in Dominick Street. 13 

The design and workmanship of the carriage certainly deserve 
the encomium passed upon it by the Committee and the praise 
of the contemporary newspaper accounts. It is of very graceful 
design, far more so than the unwieldy and ponderous City of 
London Coach. (See illustration, page 51.) Between the date 
of the building of the latter — 1757 — and that of the Dublin Coach, 
carriage-building had been gradually improving, and by 1790 had 
arrived at a very high degree of perfection ; the chief improvement 
was the introduction of whip springs, from which the body of the 
carriage was suspended by straps, as in the Dublin Coach. In the 
London Coach the body is hung by straps from supports or pillars 
erected on the* under-carriage, without the intervention of springs. 
The introduction of springs enabled carriages to be built much 
lighter. 14 

The Dublin State Coach was provided for the use of the Lord 
Mayor on state and ceremonial occasions, and was very seldom 
used. In it the Lord Mayor went to the Lord Lieutenant's levees 
at the Castle. " The Lord Mayor " (i.e., John Carleton, who 
succeeded Henry Gore Sankey), says the Anthologia Hibemica for 
June, 1793, " made a very elegant appearance yesterday (i.e., 
June 5, the King's Birthday) in going from the Mayoralty House 
to attend the levee at the Castle. His Lordship went in the City 
State Coach, attended by all his municipal regalia, which had a 
very grand and pleasing effect highly honourable to the metropolis 
of the Kingdom. " 

The Lord Mayors always, down to recent times, provided them- 

12 " Died in his house in Dominick Street, on Sunday morning last, 
after a short illness, most deservedly and sincerely lamented, Mr. 
William Whitton, coachmaker to the Hon. the City of Dublin. He was 
a man of genuine native worth and integrity, and few have filled the 
important duties of husband, father, friend and citizen with more uni- 
versal applause and esteem. He was eminent in his profession; the City 
State Coach will long remain a monument of his taste and abilities, and 
will serve at the same time to mark the progress of the fine arts in this 
country." (Faulkner's Dublin Journal, 15 November, 1792.) 

13 Faulkner' s Journal, 28 February, 1793, has the following advertise- 
ment : — " The Widow of William Whitton, late of Dominick Street, 
coachmaker to the Rt. Hon. the City of Dublin, begs leave to offer her 
grateful acknowledgments to such of the noblemen and gentlemen as 
have honoured her with their commands since her husband's death. 
She is induced to continue the coachmaking business." 

14 The whip spring developed into the C spring. When the elliptic 
spring came into use early in the nineteenth century carriages were able 
to dispense with the heavy perch, under carriage and cross beds, and 
so could be built very light. 


selves at their own expense with a state carriage for lesser cere- 
monial occasions, as well as one for ordinary use, as they had done 
before the City State Coach was built. The state coach does not 
appear to have always been used by the Lord Mayor at his inaugu- 
ration, for in 1793, at the inauguration of Alderman William James 
as Lord Mayor he appeared in a green coach with hammercloth 
and lining of white, and in the following year, 1794, the next Lord 
Mayor, Richard Moncrieff, when proceeding to the Castle to be 
sworn in, drove in his new coach, described as a beautiful piece of 
workmanship, painted a French white, upon which the heraldic 
decorations " were executed with a lightness that shows great 
taste. " On this occasion the Sheriffs, Richard Manders and Robert 
Powell, introduced an addition to their retinue — two Halberd men 
attending at the sides of their carriages. (Anthologia Hibernica, 
October, 1794.) Lord Mayor William Worthing.ton, in 1795, ap- 
peared in a yellow and purple carriage, his servants dressed in 
fawn-coloured liveries with silver lace. 

In December, 1792, it having been found that the state coach 
had not been properly taken care of, whereby the gilding had 
become tarnished, it was resolved that a coach-house should be 
built in the Mansion House yard ; and soon afterwards Thomas 
Williams, coachbuilder, of Mary Street, was employed by the Cor- 
poration at an annual salary to " take care of the state coach." 
He was paid from 1799 to 1804 ; but in the latter year it was re- 
solved that no further payment should be made to him, but that in 
future the Lord Mayor be allowed five guineas for keeping the 
coach in order. 

Whether it was the cost of maintaining it in proper order, or 
the expense of providing the " six beautiful black horses," and 
other items of pageantry, the coach seems almost to have fallen 
into disuse in the early years of the nineteenth century, and the 
Corporation at one time actually contemplated getting rid of it. 
In 1807 a proposal to dispose of the coach " to the best advantage 
was brought forward at the Michaelmas Assembly, but was re- 
jected. In the same year Thomas Palmer, coachbuilder, of 5 
Peter's Row, was paid £45 5s. 2d. for new cushions and repairs. 
On his inauguration in 1809, William Stamer, the Lord Mayor, 
" intimated his intention of bringing the state coach more fre- 
quently before the eyes of his fellow citizens." (Dublin Evening 
Post.) The Corporation since then has taken good care of its civic 
coach, and we find several entries in its records of sums spent on 
its maintenance. In 1821, on the occasion of the visit of King 
George IV. to Dublin, Henry Cooper, coachbuilder, of 25 Mary 
Street, was entrusted with the work of putting the state coach into 
proper order at a cost of £200, and Joshua Kearney, carver and 
gilder, of 49 Henry Street, was paid £80 for gilding it. (Assembly 
Roll, 19th February, 1822.) Cooper did further work on the coach 

Plate XIII] 

[To face page 61 



later, for in 1834, at the July Assembly, the sum of £375 2s. Od. 
was ordered to be paid to the representatives of the late Henry 
Cooper " for repairs to the state coach." It was used by the Lord 
Mayor, Sir Abraham Bradley King, at the formal entry into Dublin 
of George IV. on 17th August, 1821, when the Corporation received 
the King in Sackville Street. The coach is depicted in the 
coloured aquatint of the scene engraved by Havell. 

The coach continued to be used on occasions of state and at the 
annual processions of the Lord Mayors at their inauguration down 
to recent years. But the old state and pageantry had disappeared, 
the procession became more and more shorn of its dignity, and 
latterly was mean. It has not been used by any Lord Mayor for 
several years past. 

II. The Earl of Clare's State Coach. 

John Eitzgibbon was in 1789 appointed Lord Chancellor of 
Ireland. In the same year he was created Baron Fitzgibbon; in 
1793 Viscount Eitzgibbon, and in 1795 Earl of Clare. In his fine 
house in Ely Place, 15 Fitzgibbon lived in much state and splendour. 

His mode of living," we are told in the Hibernian Magazine for 
September, 1789, " his equipage and all his establishment are in a 
princely style, the splendour of his appearance is never below the 
eminence of his station. 

To fully maintain the dignity of his office, Fitzgibbon deter- 
mined to provide himself with a state coach. The Corporation 
of Dublin had ordered a state coach for the use of the Lord Mayor 
on ceremonial occasions, and had entrusted the work to a Dublin 
coachbuilder; but Lord Eitzgibbon, in his desire to have a vehicle 
of the finest possible design and workmanship, gave his order to a 
London coachbuilder. Although coachbuilding was then a flourish- 
ing craft in Dublin, it was not realised that in this manufacture 
Dublin could compete, and hold its own, with London. 16 When 
the Duke of Eutland was appointed Lord Lieutenant in 1784, in 
succession to Earl Temple, the latter wrote to the Duchess ex- 
pressing his opinion that the Duke could not get such a carriage 

15 Now the office of the General Valuation and Boundary Survey of 

16 " The number of carriages and show of equipage sported through our 
streets are equal to anything London can boast of, though the latter is 
so considerably greater in extent." (Dublin Chronicle, 19th January, 

As far back as 1740 an ingenious Dubliner had constructed a motor- 
car. In Pile's Occurrences for 15-18 November, 1740, is the following para- 
graph : — " One Mr. Holman, in Aungier Street, has made a four-wheeled 
machine to go without a horse, and it so well contrived as to go with 
as much ease as any coach, and with the greatest speed; it is set going 
and stopped without the least trouble. Several curious persons who have 
seen it perform say it is the most surprising piece of machinery that was 
ever invented of the kind." 


as he wished built in Ireland, and recommends that a chariot 
should be bought in London (14 Beyt. Hist. MSS. Commission; 
MSS. of the Duke of Rutland, p. 75). But the Duke, after he 
had been some time in Ireland, found that Lord Temple's opinion 
of Dublin coachbuilding was not justified; for in the Dublin 
Chronicle of 3rd October, 1787, we are told that " it is said that 
His Grace the Duke of Rutland is so highly pleased with the Irish 
workmanship in the construction, taste and finishing of carriages 
that he has bespoke a state coach at a very great price from an 
artist of this city, and has allowed him two years to finish it. A 
thousand pounds is said to have been advanced for this work, and 
if it equals the Royal state coach the price will amount to three 
thousand pounds." Unfortunately, we have no further particu- 
lars concerning the Duke's state carriage, or whether the work was 
actually carried out. 

In going to a London coachbuilder, Fitzgibbon expected not 
only to obtain a carriage which would far surpass that building in 
Dublin for the Lord Mayor, but also that the design and workman- 
ship would be a pattern for Irish imitation, and would improve the 
manufacture in Dublin. 

Godsal, of Longacre, was employed to build the coach. By 
July, 1790, it was completed, and it was apparently considered in 
London as an exceptionally fine piece of work, for it was exhibited 
to the public in Godsal's factory. In an account given in the 
Hibernian Magazine for August, 1790, of an attack, in July, on a 
press-gang in Bow Street, London, it is told that, when pursued 
by the mob, the press-gang arrived in Longacre, " a concourse of 
people which had collected near Godsall's coach manufactory to 
view Lord Fitzgibbon's coach, impeded their way. . . . The 
gang were set upon by two thousand people, pelted with stones 
and old spokes of coach-wheels, very barbarously treated, and 
severely injured." 

In recording the fact that the coach had " lately been finished 
in London," Faulkner's Journal of 31st July, 1790, described it as 
one of the most beautiful and magnificent pieces of mechanism 
that perhaps was ever executed." It was sent over to Dublin in 
September and housed in the Lord Chancellor's stables off Baggot 
Street, at the rere of his house in Ely Place, where the public were 
admitted to inspect it. The Dubli7i Chronicle for 16th September, 
1790, records that " yesterday morning at 3 o'clock the Lord 
Chancellor's state coach was landed at the South Wall from on 
board the " Draper," 17 Captain Murray, and immediately drove 
to his Lordship's coach-house in Baggot Street. Several journey- 
men coachmakers came with it to put it together." Godsal him- 
self also came, as we learn from Faulkner's Journal of 16-18 Sep- 

17 The " Draper " was one of the merchant ships which regularly sailed 
between London and Dublin. 



tember, and the same paper of 18-21 September and the Dublin 
Chronicle of 30th September, further tell us that " Mr. Godsal's 
assistants who accompanied the Chancellor's state carriage, on 
Saturday last (i.e., the 18th), completely fitted up that beautiful 
vehicle. By his Lordship's condescension, a great number of the 
inhabitants were during some hours gratified with an inspection 
thereof at the stables in Baggot Street. In design, execution, and 
splendour, this admirable piece of workmanship falls nothing 
short of the highest idea which might have been conceived from 
description, and his Lordship has certainly afforded an exquisite 
model which we imagine will in various particulars be useful to 
form the taste of the native artists in this line." The same paper 
further says : — " The Chancellor's State coach is the admiration of 
every man of Science who has seen it. The noble Lord, with true 
regard to the advancement of that manufacture in this country, 
spared no expense to have it executed in a style superior to that of 
any carriage in the Three Kingdoms, and, to let the coachbuilders 
of Ireland benefit by such a model, he has ordered it to be open to 
the inspection of the public. No person whatever is refused admit- 
tance during several hours of the day. So alive is public curiosity 
to behold this rare piece of workmanship that the crowds that flock 
to Merrion Street are incredible. The Lord Chancellor, with true 
dignity has given strict orders to his domestics to accept of no money 
from any of the people whose curiosity or interest prompt them to 
inspect the State Coach." The account goes on to say that pre- 
cautions had to be taken to protect the carriage from injury by 
people stirred up by the enemies of the Chancellor. " So mean 
and mischievous are the wretches who encourage party feuds in 
this city that they procured a number of hand-bills to be printed 
and dispersed in the Liberties calculated to inflame the minds of the 
lower order of the people and to direct their rage against the State 
Coach which the Lord Chancellor was at the greatest pains and 
expense to procure to support the dignity of his station as an Irish 
Chancellor, and to improve the manufacture by exhibiting a pattern 
for Irish imitation. This hand-bill was clandestinely printed, and 
its obvious intention was to encourage the thoughtless mob to injure 
the carriage on its landing. In this instance, however, the plot 
failed." The Dublin Chronicle of 25th September tells us that 
the crowds during the last five days which visited Baggot Street 
to view the Lord Chancellor's State carriage have been so numerous 
as to prove rather troublesome to the attending servants politely 
appointed by that nobleman. This day is mentioned as the last 
for inspection until the general view intended in the cavalcade to 
the Courts in the opening of November term. " 

On the 4th November, 1790, the Chancellor's State carriage 
made its first public appearance. " This day," says the Dublin 
Chronicle of 4th November, 1790, " being the anniversary of King 


William's Birthday, there was a Levee at the Castle . . . His 
Excellency the Lord Lieutenant (the Earl of Westmoreland), with 
all the officers of State, went in procession from the Castle through 
Dame Street to College Green and Dawson Street round Stephen's 
Green and by Grafton Street, returning to the Castle. The Lord 
Chancellor, in his new State coach (so much the object of public 
admiration), added to the Royal procession this day dignity and 
grandeur." Lord Clonmell, who had aspired to the Chancellorship 
and hated Fitzgibbon, writes in his private diary: — " Thursday, 
4th November, 1790, King William's Birthday. Saturday is the 
1st sitting of term. This day Lord Fitzgibbon exhibited the most 
superb carriage that ever appeared in Ireland; he seems to have 
got the summit of his vanity, Chancellor, Minister and Mummer." 

At the celebration in the following year, 1791, the Chancellor's 
Coach was again seen in the procession, along with the new City 
State Coach, which made its first appearance on the occasion. 
" The City Berlin and the Chancellor's Coach, from their situation 
in the train, came immediately into competition; the former cer- 
tainly lost nothing by the circumstance, the latter, if nothing else, 
gained an uninterrupted and immense hiss." As might be ex- 
pected, the opinion was in favour of the Dublin carriage. It must 
have been a surprise and some mortification to the Chancellor that 
after his lavish expenditure upon his carriage and his expectation 
that it would surpass anything that could be built in Dublin, to 
find that the Lord Mayor's carriage, the product of local craftsmen, 
could hold its own with his. 

In Faulkner's Dublin Journal, 29-31 July, 1790, is given a long 
and minute description of Lord Fitzgibbon 's State Coach, which, 
like that given in the Dublin papers of the Lord Mayor's Coach, 
was apparently furnished by the coachbuilder. From this account, 
and an examination of the vehicle itself as it now is, its construc- 
tion and appearance may be thus described. 

It is 11 ft. 6 in. high and 19 ft. 10 in. long. The body is hung 
by leather straps from upright, or whip springs; at the base are 
curved supports, ornamental at each end with cornucopia, to which 
the ends of the leather braces are fastened, and in the centre, under 
each door is a head of Apollo surrounded by rays of the sun. 
Running round the waist of the carriage is a broad band of arabesque 
ornament carved in relief and gilt, showing a rich crimson ground 
under the gold design. On this, on the doors and the front and 
rear of the carriage, are the Chancellor's arms, a saltire with three 
annulets in chief, the shield supported by a lion and a griffin holding 
a scroll with the motto " Nil admirari." 18 The pillars which sup- 

18 The arms of Lord Fitzgibbon were : — Ermine, a saltire gules, on a 
chief, or, three annulets of the second : Supporters, dexter, a lion gules, 
sinister, a griffin argent. Crest, a bear passant gules charged with three 
annulets or; Motto, Nil admirari. 



port the roof slope outwards, making the roof longer than the waist- 
line of the body, and are carved with caryatides standing upon a 
caduceus. These figures hold a festoon which runs under the edge 
of the roof, and support at each of the four corners the crowned 
harp ornamented with palm leaves. On the centre of the roof are 
three figures of boys supporting a cushion with Lord Fitzgibbon's 

Over the fore and hind axles are carved seated figures represent- 
ing at the fore end " Prudence " on the near side and " Justice " 
on the off side ; and at the rear ' ' Liberality ' ' and ' ' Concord ' ' on 
the near and off side respectively. From beneath these figures 
issue the upright springs. 

The cranes are carved with oak leaves and acorns. On the 
front axle-bed or platform are carved heads of Solon and Numa. 
The foot-board in front is framed with a wreath of leaves, and has 
on it the crowned harp surrounded with rays of glory. Two wolf- 
dogs terminate the curved supports of the foot-board. 

The hind axle-bed is carved with bull-rushes and a large shell- 
shaped ornament, with the head of King Alfred beneath it. This 
head and those of Numa and Solon on the front axle-bed repre- 
sent the three great law-givers. 

The wheels have their spokes, inner rim and nave delicately 
carved; the caps are of ormolu. The buckles of the braces, the 
-door-handles and other metal ornaments are also of ormolu. 

The lining of the interior of the carriage is of crimson velvet 
trimmed with gold fringe and shamrock-patterned lace. The 
coachman's seat is covered with the same material with fringe 
and tassels. 

On the panel of each door is an allegorical painting framed in 
an octagonal, carved moulding. The subject on the near door 
panel is the Temple of Fame with figures of Britannia and Hibernia 
embracing and crowned with Peace and Plenty. These represent 
National Prosperity, which is proclaimed by Fame with her 
trumpet. The arms of Ireland are supported by the Genii of 

The off-door panel shows the Courts of Law and Equity, repre- 
sented by Justice seated on a throne, holding the scales in her 
right hand and the sword in her left, supported by Minerva. On 
one side appears Truth, a nude female figure, with her right hand 
on an open book ; on the other, Mercy stretching out her hands to 
Justice. At the foot of the throne of Justice are the Chancellor's 
purse and mace. 

On the panel in front of the body of the carriage is seen a sea- 
port, with ships loading bales of Irish manufacture at a wharf; in 
the foreground three figures typifying Europe, Africa and America, 
with a statue of Mercury ; the whole representing the Commerce of 
Ireland and her intercourse with all parts of the world. 



On the hind panel Agriculture is represented by the Triumph 
of Ceres, with boys, emblematic of the four Seasons, directing the 
car of the Goddess. Figures in the foreground bearing cornucopia 
typifying Plenty. 

In the centre of the roof inside the carriage is a medallion por- 
trait of King George III., supported by allegorical figures of Virtue 
and Loyalty crowning the King with immortality. In the centre 
the genius of Prosperity holds a scroll with the motto, from Horace, 
Serus in Ccelum Bedeas." 19 

These paintings were executed by William Hamilton, R.A., 
at a cost of 500 guineas. 

According to Faulkner's Journal (16-18 Sept., 1790), the cost 
of the coach was estimated at near £7,000. 

The harness is of red morocco leather with mountings of chased 
ormolu. The buckles are ornamented with the Harp, the Cap of 
Liberty, the Caduceus and the Chancellor's Purse; the blinkers 
are edged with a pierced ormolu pattern, with the Harp in the 
centre. Other ornaments of sprays of foliage appear on various 
portions of the harness. The traces are attached to a breast-strap, 
not to a collar. 

The Chancellor continued to use his coach on state occasions. 
On Sunday, the 23rd January, 1791, he went in it to the Castle 
accompanied by members of the House of Lords to present their 
address to the Lord Lieutenant, and an accident happened which 
did some injury to the coach. The coachman, to exercise the 
horses, " drove into the Lower Yard and through the gate at Palace 
Street, but not considering its elevation comparatively to that of 
the golden entablature on the roof of the gorgeous vehicle, they 
unfortunately came in contact, the consequence of which was that 
the whole was carried away, and the ground strewed with the frag- 
ments of the splendid sculpture. His Lordship was obliged to 
return to his house in another carriage." (Dublin Chronicle, Jan. 
25th, 1791.) 

In 1792 the Chancellor was absent, through illness, from the 
November procession: — " We missed," says Faulkner's Journal, 
" the dignity and splendour of the Lord Chancellor." 

The Earl of Clare died in his house in Ely Place on the 28th 
January, 1802, and was buried on the 31st at St. Peter's, Aungier 
Street. In his will, dated 11th December, 1800, and proved 5th 
February, 1802, he left to his wife all his carriages and harness, 
except his State Coach and harness, which he left to his 
trustees to sell. It is not known when or to whom the trustees 
disposed of the coach; but in 1866, after an interval of over sixty 
years, it was in the possession of a firm of coach-builders, Messrs. 
Pearce and Countze, of 103 Longacre, who in that year sold it. 

19 Horace, book I. Ode 2. " Ad Augustum Caesarem.' 



with the harness for six horses, to the South Kensington Museum 
for £500. In the Museum it remained on exhibition until 1899, 
when it was sent on loan to the Dublin Museum, where it now is. 

In comparing tjie merits of the two carriages it must be remem- 
bered that while the Lord Mayor's has been carefully preserved 
and kept in order, that of the Chancellor, having lain neglected 
and uncared for since its disuse, has fallen into decay; its elaborate 
painting and gilding have almost disappeared, and its once glitter- 
ing surface has now become a uniform, dull brown. The metal 
work is dull and tarnished, and the straps supporting the body are 
decayed and broken. The general design and shape of the two 
carriages is similar; the chief difference is in the shape of the body, 
as may be seen in the plates on page 54 and page 61. The under- 
carriage with carved cranes and the figures on the fore and hind 
axle-beds are of a similar design in both carriages; but the Chan- 
cellor's is, on the whole, of somewhat lighter construction, and 
excels in many of its details, especially in the delicacy of the 
carving. The group on the roof of the City Coach is better de- 
signed and proportioned than that on the Chancellor's. But we 
know that the group was broken into fragments at the time of the 
accident to the coach in the Castle Yard, and it seems to have 
been replaced by a newly-carved group; for as the result of an 
examination by Mr. Buckley, Keeper in the Museum, the present 
figures appear to be whole, and not broken pieces repaired and put 

In the collection of Lord Clare at his country seat of Mount- 
shannon, Co. Limerick, which eventually descended to his grand- 
daughter, Lady Louisa Fitzgibbon, who married the Hon. Gerald 
Normandy Dillon, was a " model in bronze of the State carriage, 
built by Godsal, of the Lord Chancellor, with painted panels and 
bronze figures by Lilla Chasern." This model was included in the 
sale of the contents of the house at Mountshannon in 1888 (No. 905 
in catalogue), but the names of its purchaser and present ownership 
have not been ascertained. 



[Continued from Vol. L., page 177.] 

Part V. — Inquisitions touching Ratoath, in Co. Meath. 

By Goddard H. Orpen, litt.d., m.r.i. a., Fellow. 

The greater part of the ancient Kingdom of Meath was parcelled 
out by the elder Hugh de Lacy among his followers, and is said 
to have been piurimum incastellata by him. Throughout the 
thirteenth century the Anglo-Norman settlers there were seldom 
disturbed by hostile attacks. Even in the widespread destruction 
caused by the Scottish invasion of 1315-18 the eastern part of the 
lordship, including the barony of Ratoath, suffered comparatively 
little, and our inquisition shows that the decline in monetary value 
to the lord was comparatively small. The place-names, most of 
which, as is usual in Meath, are derived from the names of Anglo- 
Norman tenants, have changed but little up to the present day, 
and I have been able to identify nearly all of those mentioned. 

The Irish form of the name Ratoath is uncertain. One of the 
" Tales of Slaughter " in the Book of Leinster is called Argain 
rdtha Tabachta. 1 The tale was unknown to 'Curry, and appears 
to be lost. There seems to be nothing to show in what part of 
Ireland Rdith Tabachta lay, but Father Hogan says " it must be 
the Moat of Ratoath in Meath." 2 He gives no reason, and we 
may suppose that he was led to this conclusion merely from the 
possibility that this ancient name might have been worn down so 
as to be fairly represented by " Ratoath," and perhaps from a pre- 
disposition to fix upon an important existing earthwork, irrespec- 
tively of the class to which comparative archaeology may have 
assigned it, as the scene of the Saga. In early Anglo-Norman docu- 
ments the name frequently appears under various spellings, which 
may be reduced to one or other of two typical forms — Ratouth and 
Ratour. 3 The latter and less frequent form is generally used to 
denote the castle, which was presumably a turris lignea on the 
summit of the mote, and thus may have given rise to the variant 
form,; and it seems to me probable that the more usual form, 

1 L. L. Facsimile, p. 190 a; O'Curry, MSS. Mat., p. 591. 

2 Onomasticon Goedelicum. 

3 Ratouth (Patent Boll, 18 John, p. 194) ; Rathowtlit, Rahtoude (Gor- 
manston Begister) ; Rathowe {Col. Docs. Ireland, vol. ii, no. 2100); 
Rotouethe, Radtotha, Ratogthe, Rathowa, Rathouuthe (Begister of 
St. Thomas's Abbey, Dublin); and Ratoure (Oblate Boll, 3 John, p. 181); 
Rathor (Boyal Letters, Shirley, vol. i, p. 499); Ratour (Close Boll, 9 
Hen. iii, p. 39b); &c. 



Ratouth, simply represents the Irish rdith tuaith or " the north 
rath," perhaps as being on the north side of the river. This Irish 
name in Kerry has been anglicised Rathtoyth, Rathuoyd, Rath- 
toy, Ratooth, 4 &c, and is now written Rattoo. However this may 
be, the existing remains at Ratoath appear to be of distinctively 
Anglo-Norman type, though, as in other cases, they may have 
superseded an Irish earthwork of some kind. 

Ratoath appears to have been retained as a seignorial manor by 
the elder Hugh de Lacy when parcelling out his fief of Meath. He 
gave the tithes of Ratoath and Dunshaughlin and a grange at the 
latter place to the Canons of St. Thomas's Abbey, Dublin, and his 
grant was confirmed by Eugenius, bishop of Clonard, in 1183. 5 The 
manor descended to his son Walter, who, before 1198, gave all the 
land of " Rathtowtht," with the addition of " Treuthd " (Trevet 
Grange), 6 to his brother Hugh, afterwards E.arl of Ulster, along 
with the confiscated lands of Gilbert de Nangle in the barony of 
Morgallion, 7 where the seat of the manor is marked by the mote of 
Nobber. This grant was confirmed by John, Count of Mortain, by 
a charter dated 4 Dec, 1198, aviid[In~\sulam Andh[eliacnm.~\. ? 
The manor of Ratoath thus constituted seems to have been co- 
extensive with the present barony. In the present village is a 
mote and bailey earthwork erected on a grand scale. I am aware 
of no proper description of this fine earthwork. It must suffice to 
say that the mote is about fifty feet high and very steep, with a 
circular flat area on top, of about twenty paces in diameter. At 
the base is a shield-shaped bailey, and both mote and bailey are 
surrounded by deep fosses and wide ramparts in a typical Norman 
manner. The above description is from my own observation, made 
when visiting the place many years ago in company with Mr. 
Armstrong, now Curator of Antiquities at the National Museum. 
This was clearly the earthwork of the early thirteenth century 
castle, the " site of the manor, " to which reference is made in the 
inquisition of 1333, hereinafter abstracted. There were then no 
buildings on it, and we must suppose that, as in many other cases, 
the original wooden tower and palisades had been destroyed or been 
suffered to fall into decay, and had not been replaced with stone. 

Together with Hugh de Lacy's lands in Ulster and elsewhere, 
Ratoath was confiscated by King John in 1210, and was by him 
granted to Philip of Worcester. 9 Shortly before his death, how- 

* See Cal. Does. Ireland, vol. v, Nos. 354-5; 42nd Bep. D. K., p. 18; 47th 
Bep. D. K., p. 63; Cal. Carew Papers, 1587, p. 451. 

5 Begister, St. Thomas, Dublin, p. 280. 

6 Hence the baronial boundary separates Trevet from Trevet Grange. 

7 Cal. Gormanston Begister, p. 190. 

8 Ibid., pp. 190, 191. Not Angers, as suggested, ibid., p. 142. It was a 
fortified island in the middle of the Seine, opposite Le Petit Andelys. 

9 Cal. Gormanston Begister, p. 179 (here written " Rahtoude "), and 
cf. Ireland Under the Normans, vol. ii, pp. 247-8. 


ever, John notified to the justiciar that he had restored " the 
castles of Nober and Ratoath ' ' to Walter de-Lacy, as being of his 
inheritance. 10 In 1224, when Hugh de Lacy, supported by some 
of the barons of Meath, was trying to recover his lands by the 
strong hand, the castle of Ratoath (here and elsewhere at this 
period called Rathor, Ratour, &c.) was once more taken by the 
King's forces, 11 and even when, in 1225, Walter de Lacy, for the 
large fine of 3,000 marks, was given seisin of the lands of his re- 
volted tenants, the "Castle of Ratour," with those of Nobber and 
Drogheda, was retained by the King. 12 A year later, however, the 
custody of all Hugh's lands and castles was committed for three 
years to his brother Walter, 13 and finally, on April 20, 1227, the 
lands and castles in Walter's custody were restored to Hugh. 14 On 
August 15 following, Hugh was granted a fair of 13 days at 
Ratoath. 15 Up to this period the castle was clearly of some im- 
portance, and ranked with the mote castles of Drogheda and 

David Fitz William, baron of Naas, had an interest in Ratoath, 
presumably through his wife, Matilda, who was a daughter of 
Hugh de Lacy. On the marriage of David's daughter, Matilda, 
with John le Botiller (Pincerna or Butler) David gave in frank- 
marriage £20 of rent which he had in the tenement of " Rath- 
towthe " in homages, services, rents, escheats and all other appur- 
tenances to the said rent. 16 

The next notice I have found touching the manor of Ratoath 
is an entry in the Close Roll dated at Rhuddlan, February 15, 
1283. 17 It concerns a grant by Roger de Clifford and the Countess 
(Comitissa), his wife, to Queen Eleanor of the Manor of " Rath- 
outhe " in Ireland, and also a bond, dated five days later, for £500 
by Queen Eleanor to Roger de Clifford and the Countess, his wife, 
in respect of the said manor, which they had sold to the Queen. 
The manor was then taken to be worth £60 a year. From the 
memorandum attached to this entry it appears that the well-known 
practice in Chancery of separately examining a " feme couverte,'"' 
to see that she was acting " of her own free will and not coerced 
by her husband," was observed at this early date. 

The Cliffords were barons of the Welsh Border, and were 
descended from Walter de Clifford, father of " Fair Rosamond," 

10 Pat. Boll, 18 John, p. 194. 

11 Boyal Letters, Shirley, vol. ii, p. 499; Cal. Docs., Ireland, vol. i, 
no. 1204. 

12 Close Boll, 9 Hen. III., p. 39b. 

13 Pat. Boll, 10 Hen. III., p. 31. 

14 Pat. Boll, 11 Hen. III., p. 75. 

15 Close Boll, 11 Hen. III., p. 197. 

16 Cal. Gormanston Begister, p. 196. This was circa 1244, not 1229, as 
suggested by the editors, ibid., p. 148. 

" Cal. Close Bolls, 11 Edw. I., p. 230. 



Walter and Roger de Clifford, grandsons of the above Walter, 
joined King John's expedition to Ireland in 1210 18 when the king's 
half-brother, William de Longespee, Earl of Salisbury, believed 
to be son of Rosamond Clifford, was in command of the army. In 
1225 Walter de Clifford was one of the sureties for the payment of 
Walter de Lacy 's fine of 3,000 marks, 19 and in the following year one 
of the pledges that Walter de Lacy and his son Gilbert would 
surrender to the king in three years the castles and lands formerly 
belonging to Hugh de Lacy, if Hugh in the meantime did not 
obtain their restitution to himself. At this time, Roger, brother 
of Walter de Clifford, had the custody of Roger, son of Hugh de 
Lacy, one of the hostages. 20 

There were three Rogers de Clifford in lineal descent in the 
thirteenth century, and some references to the name have been 
wrongly applied by some writers. The following account is, I 
believe, correct. The above-mentioned Roger de Clifford [I.] 
married c. 1214, Sibyl, widow of Robert de Tresgoz, 21 and died c. 
1231, 22 leaving a son and heir, Roger II., who came of age c. 1242. 23 
Roger de Clifford II. went over to the royalist side before the battle 
of Lewes (1265), and he frequently appears in the entourage of 
Edward I. both before and after he came to the throne. His wife 
is called " Contissa, Countess of Lorettfo] " in a Patent Roll of 
1278, 24 and she is evidently the same person as his widow, called 
Countess of Lerett," on April 3, 1286, shortly before which date 
he died. 25 His eldest son was Roger III., who is said to have 
married Isabel, eldest daughter and co-heir of Robert de Vipont 
(de veteri ponte), Lord of Westmoreland. 26 On the outbreak of 
the revolt of David, brother of Llewelyn, Prince of Wales, on 
March 22, 1282, Roger de Clifford, senior, (II.) was surprised in 
his bed at Hawarden Castle and taken prisoner, 27 and ori the follow- 

18 Rotulus de Prestito, 12 John. 

19 Close Roll, 9 Hen. III., p. 39b. 

20 Patent Roll, 10 Hen. III. 

21 Fine Roll, 16 John, p. 528. 

22 On December 16, 1231, Walter de Clifford made a fine of £100 for 
having the custody of the land and heirs of his brother, Eoger : Fine 
Roll, 16 Hen. III., p. 219. 

23 Fine Roll, 26 Hen. III., p. 368. 

24 Cal. Patent Rolls, 6 Edw. I., p. 450. 

25 On that date the Escheator was ordered " to take his goods into the 
king's hand, without interfering with the jewels, &c., which belonged 
to his widow, the Countess of Lerett " : (Cal. Fine Rolls, 14 Edw. I., 
p. 225). One would suppose the place was Loretto, near Ancona in Italy. 
Dugdale (Baronage, Ed. 1675, vol. i, pp. 337-8) calls her " Countess of 
Lauretania," and Collins (Peerage, vol. vi, p. 357) calls her " Countess 
of Lorrain " ! In another place (vol. vii, p. 154) he confuses her with 
the wife of Roger I. In both passages he makes Roger II. at least 86 
years of age when he died in 1286, but as he only came of age c. 1242, he 
cannot have been more than about 65 when he died. 

26 See Collins' Peerage, as above. 

27 Trivet, Annales, p. 302. 


ing November 6 his son, Roger, junior (III.), was slain at the 
Menai Straits. 28 

It is evident, as the dates above show, that it was Roger de 
Clifford II. and his Countess that sold Ratoath to the Queen, per- 
haps because the money was wanted to effect his ransom from 
prison. When or how the family obtained Ratoath does not appear. 
It may have been through a grant from Hugh de Lacy, Earl of 
Ulster, after the restoration of his lands, but it is more probable 
that it was given by Prince Edward, after Hugh's death, to 
Roger II. as a reward for services. 

In the Gormansto,n Register, f. 7, there is an undated mandate 
in French from Geoffrey de Geynville to his Seneschal of Trim, 
directing him not to permit any tenant of the lordship to sell his 
land without the seneschal first entering thereon to protect the 
rights of the lord. It continues as follows : — " And by this answer 
you are not empowered to afflict the land of Rathtoutthe, nor suit 
nor service by the Lady or by Mons r . Roger, until you have other 
commands of us, for we wish to have counsel by whose hand it is 
more profitable for us to receive [suit and service]." 29 

The reference is, I think, to the sale, or meditated sale, of 
Ratoath in 1283 by Roger de Clifford and his lady to the Queen, and 
the intention was to caution the seneschal against any harsh deal- 
ing in this case. 

On July 4, 1283, Queen Eleanor's charter, dated at Rhuddlan 
of the 2nd, granting the manor of Ratoath in fee tail special to 
Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, and Margaret his wife, was con- 
firmed at Aberconway. 30 Richard de Burgh had only recently come 
of age, and by February 27, 1281, was married to Margaret, 
daughter of John de Burgh of Lanvallay, and great-grand-daughter 
of Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent. 

[Ratoath, Co. Meath] No. 16. 

Inquisition taken before John Moriz, escheator of Ireland, at 
Drogheda, 18 June, 7 Edw III. [1333]. Jurors: Philip son of 
William, John Wyot, William Busson, Hugh Albus [White], 
Walter Ray, Roger Gedde, Peter le Lang, William Roger, 
Thomas " qatremars " [de quatuor maris], Walter Nicholas, 
Roger Forge, and John Betherich, who say upon oath that — 
William de Burgh, late earl of Ulster, died seised in demesne as 
of fee of the barony of " Retouth," held of the king in chief by 
ancient feoffment by royal service, rendering to the king when 
scutage runs £8. 

28 Hemingburgh, Chronicon, vol. ii, p. 11; Rishanger, p. 103. 

29 Cal. Oormanston Register, p. 181. 

30 Cal. Charter Rolls, 11 Edw. I., m. 4. p. 367. Ratoath is here printed 
V Rotenche." Perhaps the name might be read " Roteuthe." 



Buildings. — He held there a manor in which there are no build- 
ings, but a parcel of land assigned as the site of the manor, con 
taining half an acre of land, and surrounded by a square ditch (una 
placea terre pro situ, manerii dcputata continens dimidium acre 
terre et est circumdata cum quad ra ta fossa), and the said parcel 
is worth yearly for profit of grazing 6d. 31 

Demesnes. — In demesne, two carucates and 100 acres (each 
carucate containing 120 acres), and 20 acres of meadow in the 
hands of farmers who hold at will, rendering for each acre, both 
meadow and arable, Sd. yearly. Also in demesne 150 acres arable 
and 10 acres meadow called "Betagesland, " and of these, 110 acres 
arable and 10 acres meadow are in the hands of divers farmers who 
hold at will and render yearly 8d. per acre, and the remaining 40 
acres, which used to lie waste, are now let to Henry Podeloe [peau 
de hup] at 8d. per acre. There is also a turf -bog there containing 
1| acres, worth yearly 12<i. 

Mill. — Also the earl held there a moiety of a water-mill, worth 
yearly, beyond repairs, 13s. 4cL 

Free Tenants. — Also they say that there are the following rents 
of lands : — 

13s. 4d. rent out of 5 carucates which John Cristofre holds in 
fee without suit at the earl's court. 

6s. 8c? . rent out of 5 carucates which Mathew Cruys holds in 
Balymc glassan, 32 and he does suit at the court of Retouth once a 

3s. 4r7. rent out of 3 carucates in Dovenagshalyn, 33 which 
Walter de la Hyde holds without suit. 

3s. rent out of a bog which Philip Bereford holds, and he does 
suit fortnightly. 

2s. rent out of 15 acres which Robert atte Watre holds, and he 
does suit twice a year. 

10s. rent out of 15 acres which Hugh Broun 34 holds without 

26s. &d. rent out of 40 acres which Robert Bloscod holds with- 
out suit. 

26s. 8d. rent out of one carucate in Kylrow, 35 which the afore- 
said Walter holds without suit. 

6s. 8d. rent out of half a carucate in Kaperagh,™ without suit. 

31 This parcel of land is clearly the Mote of Ratoath. It is situated in 
the heart of the village to the north of the stream, which still turns a 

32 Ballymaglassin, in parish of same name and barony of Ratoath. 

33 Domnaeh Sechnaill, now Dunshaughlin, in parish of same name and 
barony of Ratoath. 

34 For Hugh Broun's holdings in Ratoath at his death in 1359, see Cat. 
Close Boll (Ireland), 33 Edw. III. (17), p. 77. 

35 Kilrue, in parish of Ratoath. 

36 Perhaps Cappagh, in parish of Rathregan and barony of Ratoath. 


lis. Qd. rent out of half a carucate in Fydorth, 37 which Henry 
Podlowe holds without suit. 

lis. 6d. rent out of half a carucate in Fydorth, which Thomas 
Bereford holds without suit. 

3s. rent out of ten acres in Fydorth, which Walter Bereford 
holds without suit. 

20s. rent out of 60 acres in Fydorth, which John, son of William, 
holds, and he is under age, and the land lies waste for default of 

2s. rent out of 32 acres which Richard Tuyt and Nicholas Cusak 
hold in Begeston, 38 without suit. 

20s. rent out of one carucate in Balymc laghlyn, 39 which Walter 
Bereford and Thomas Bereford hold without suit. 

20d. rent out of 30 acres in Neweton, 40 which William Walre 
holds without suit. 

66s. 8d. rent out of one carucate which Philip, son of William, 
holds in Balyhauel 41 without suit. 

53s. 4:/. rent out of one carucate in Hardloueston, 42 which 
Richard Bereford holds without suit. 

53s. 4d. rent out of one carucate in Coucaman, 43 which Lord 
Symon Geneuill holds without suit. 

60s. rent out of two carucates in Brouneston, 44 which Mathew 
de Cruys holds without suit. 

2s. 6d. rent out of ten acres in Molcronesland, 45 which Lord 
Walter Cusack holds without suit. 

Thomas Bretoun 46 holds in the same barony ten carucates, 
rendering 20s. for royal service when scutage runs, and he makes 
suit at the Court of Retouth fortnightly. 

Hugh Abbas (Abbott) holds five carucates, rendering 10s. 
service and suit as above. 

Walter Cusak 47 holds one carucate, rendering 2s. service and 
suit as above. 

37 Fidorfe, in the parish of Ratoath. 

38 For Begeston, see Inquis. Lagenie, Meath, no. 107, Car. i. 

39 Loughlinstown, in parish of Katoath. 

40 Newtown, in parish of Ratoath. 

41 1 cannot trace this name, unless it is now corruptly " Hallstown/' 
in the parish of Trevet. 

42 Harlockstown, in parish of Ratoath. 

43 Culcommon, in parish of Culmullin and barony of Ratoath. 

44 Brownstown, in parish of Katoath. 

45 Molcrone represents the Irish name Maelcron, which occurs in the 
ruling family of this part of Meath in the tenth and eleventh centuries : 
Ann. TJlst., 901, 1053. I have met with the name written " Tyrmolcrene 
iuxta Kylsalgham " (Kilsallaghan) in Plea Boll, 93, m. 17, 2 Edw. II. 

46 Thomas Breton was appointed seneschal of the barony of Katoath 
on 15 Nov.. 1326, when in the king's hand after the death of Richard 
de Burgh, Earl of Ulster; Gal. Close Bolls (Ireland,), 20 Edw. II. (137). 

47 Walter Cusack's lands in the barony of Katoath were at Pelletstown 
in parish of Dunshaughlin : Gal. Close Bolls (Ireland), 8 Edw. III. (138). 



John de Huuthe (Howth?) holds one carucate, rendering 2s. 
service and suit as above. 

Mathew de Bathe 48 holds two carucates in Lucyaneston,' 
rendering 4s. service and suit as above. 

Walter de la Hyde 50 holds two carucates in Raweston, 51 render- 
ing 4s. service and suit as above. 

Thomas, Hugh, and Walter Bereford hold two carucates in 
Flemyngeston, 52 rendering 4s. service and suit as above. 

John Golous 53 holds half a carucate in Maghry, rendering Is. 
service and suit as above. 

John de Rochford holds five carucates in Kylbrew, 54 rendering 
10s. service and suit as above. 

Edward Wafre holds five carucates in Kylegelan 55 and Hard- 
loueston, rendering 10s. service and suit as above. 

John le Boys holds five carucates in Multon, 56 rendering 10s. 
service and suit as above. 

Thomas FitzLeon and the Abbot of St. Thomas, Dublin, hold 
ten carucates in Flonoston, 57 rendering 20s. service and suit as 

He was appointed itinerant justice for Co. Dublin, 19 Sept., 1310 : Cal. 
Pat. (Ireland), 3 and 4 Edw. II. (41). He was fined £100 for marrying 
Amicia, widow of Nigel le Brun, escheator of Ireland, without licence, 
but was pardoned : ib., 11 Edw. II. (140). 

48 On 5 August, 1326, the king ordered Matthew de Bathe to keep safe 
the money, jewels, silver vessels, and all other goods and chattels of 
Eichard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, deceased, in his custody until further 
orders : Col. Close Boll (Ireland), 20 Edw. II. (15). 

49 " Lussianston juxta Knockmark " : Inquis. Lagenie (Meath), 1 
Car. i, now Leshemstown, in the parish of Dunshaughlin. 

50 Walter de la Hyde was sheriff of Dublin in 1332 : 44th Hep. D. K., 
p. 18; and sheriff of Meath in 1340-1 : 47th Hep. D. K., p. 46. 

51 Eoestown (?), adjoining Leshemstown, in parish of Dunshaughlin. 

52 Flemingtown, in parish of Ratoath. 

53 Golous : This name, more usually written Gelous or Jelous (Jus- 
ticiary Bolls, vol. i, p. 112), or significantly le Gelous (ibid., vol. ii, p. 
184), appears to be derived from Old French, jalous, Low Lat., zelosus. 
This family-name explains the curious townland-name, now written 
Jealoustown, in the parish of Trevet, about Greenpark House. In 1425 
the lands of John Gelous of Gelouston are mentioned along with Trevet 
(Cal. Patent and Close Bolls (Ireland), p. 237, no. 99), where, however, 
the name is printed " Gelons of Gelonston." 

54 Kilbrew, a townland and parish in the barony of Ratoath. By 1359 
John Bernewall, head of a long line of Barnewalls, held Kilbrew : ibid., 
33 Edw. III., x>. 77, no. 17. 

55 Killegland, a townland and parish in barony of Eatoath. Walter 
Wafre, between 1205 and 1210. made a grant of a mill, &c. at Kilegelan 
to the Canons of St. Thomas, Dublin : see Begister, p. 50. For the Wafre 
family consult Chart. St. Mary's, vol. i, preface, p. xlii. 

56 Milltown, in the parish of Donaghmore, Eatoath. 

57 " Fleneston/' in Index, now Fleenstown, in parish of Donaghmore, 
Eatoath. It had an alias FitzLyonston (Inquis. Lagenie (Meath), no. 69, 
Jac. 1, no. 2, Gul. & Mar.), of which it was apparently a corruption : Cf. 
Cal. Close Bolls (Ireland), 33 Edw. III., no. 17. For the grant of lands 
here by Walter de Scotot and John son of Leonisius to the Canons of St. 
Thomas, see Begister, pp. 17-19, and 22-24. Leonisius de Bromiard seems 
to have been the eponym of the family : ibid., pp. 20-21. 


Jordan Dardiz holds five carucates in Krykeston, 58 rendering 
10s. service and suit as above. 

Philip FitzWilliam holds three carucates in Kokeston, 59 render- 
ing 6s. service and suit as above. 

Walter Ray holds two carucates in Rayeston, 60 rendering 4s. 
service and suit as above. 

Issues of Court. — There is there a court for extern suitors held 
fortnightly by the same freeholders, whereof the pleas and profits 
are worth yearly £1 6s. 8(7. 

Burgages. — Also £6 6s. 4d. yearly rent from the burgesses of 

Hundred Court. — Also a hundred court held fortnightly by the 
same burgesses, whereof the pleas and profits are worth yearly 10s. 

Proved total £5 15s. 2d. 
Also they say that Elizabeth is daughter and next heir of the 
said earl, and of the age of one year from the feast of St. John the 
Baptist next ensuing. 

[Endorsed] Peter Lang is chosen to the office of Serjeantey. 

58 Jordan Dardiz was sheriff of Meath in 1339. Hugh de Ardis, pre- 
sumably his ancestor, held the " villa Crike " (Crickstown, in parish of 
same name and barony of Ratoath) before 1224 : Beg. St. Thomas's 
Abbey, Dublin, pp. 39-40. Crickstown passed to the Barnewalls, and in 
1435 Christopher Barnewall, of Crickstown, became Chief Justice. 

59 Cookstown, in parish of the same name and barony of Ratoath. From 
certain deeds in the Register of St. Thomas's Abbey (pp. 55-8), to be 
dated about the close of the thirteenth century, it appears that this tene- 
ment formerly belonged to, and presumably took its name from, William 
Cocus (Cook), father of Philip FitzWilliam. 

60 Raystown, in the parish of Ratoath. 

Plate XIV] 

[To face page 77 



Ogham Stone at The Cotts, Co. Wexford. — I send a photo- 
graph of the two standing stones, one of them inscribed with 
Oghams, which I found some time ago on the townland of The 
Cotts, near Broadway, Co. Wexford, and published in the Pro- 
ceedings of the Roijal Irish Academy , vol. xxxiv, section C, p. 
404. Through the kind offices of the Eev. Robert FitzHenry, 
P.P., of Broadway, I was enabled to make an excavation under 
these stones last year. Though clear evidence of a previous dis- 
turbance of the soil was found— such a disturbance as would 
have been produced in digging a grave — absolutely nothing, not 
even the smallest scrap of bone, came to light. This was dis- 
appointing, as it might have been hoped that something to help 
in dating the Ogham, would be found. Evidently in the 
damp soil the bones had all completely decayed, and no grave- 
goods had been deposited. Nothing is left -but the name IAENI 
in Ogham on the stone; but as a negative result in excavation is 
as important as a positive, the fact of the excavation and its want 
of success should be put on record. For the purposes of the ex- 
cavation it was necessary to take down the stones, but they were 
carefully replaced in their original positions when the opening was 
refilled. The Ogham stone is red granite, 4 feet 1 inch above 
ground, 1 foot 10 inches broad, 1 foot 7 inches thick, sunk 1 foot 
6 inches in the earth. The other, uninscribed, stone is conglom- 
erate, 3 feet 10 inches above ground, 1 foot 11 inches broad, 
1 foot 6 inches thick, sunk 1 foot 10 inches in the earth. The 
stones stand 3 feet 9 inches apart, in a north and south line, 
the Ogham being to the north. An irregular boulder of blue stone 
was lying just under the surface of the soil, between the pillar 
stones, and just west of the line passing through them: it 
measured 2 feet 7 inches by 1 foot 7 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. 
There was a sort of packing of rounded stones level with the feet 
of the pillars, and filling the space between them : these stones 
averaged about the size of a man's head or a little less. The 
disturbed earth filled an irregular hollow measuring' 2 feet 6 inches 
to 3 feet deep. 

Ei. A. S. Macalister. 

Font in St. Peter's Church, Drogheda. — The accompanying 
illustration is from a copperplate lent by Mr. William Chamney, 
Fellow. It shows the Font as recently repaired. The ancient Church 

( 77 ) 


of St. Peter was burned at the storming of Drogheda by Cromwell 
in 1649, and was re-built in 1666. It fell into decay and, in 1748, 
when it was in ruins, was pulled down, and a new church built 
on its site. The Font is said to have been purposely broken at 
the time of the burning of the old church by Cromwell. The 
Dublin Penny Journal of 1832-33 gives a description, accom- 
panied by a woodcut, of the font, and says that at that time it was 
lying neglected and unknown in the yard of the sexton's house, 
where it was used as a pig-trough. It was later removed to the 
church porch. In 1921, Mr. Chamney had it repaired in memory of 
his father, William Craves Chamney, who had been baptised in 
the church in 1821. The Font is octagonal; six of the facets were 
each divided into two arched niches or compartments, each 
niche containing the figure of an apostle. The seventh facet was 
occupied by a representation of the Baptism of Christ. The 
remaining facet has a shield with arms, two bendlets, a 
mullet in chief, impaling three lions rampant; the shield sup- 
ported by two kneeling angels. The panels on the lower portion 
of the Font have angels holding scrolls. 

The arms have not been identified. Mr. Burtchaell suggests 
that the bendlet coat may be Sherle, a Co. Meath family. In 
the Gormanston Register, edited by Mills and McEnery, a 
" John Serle " is mentioned as having land in Drogheda in 1359 
(page 74), and a " William Serle," one of the Bailiffs of 
Drogheda, witnessed a deed concerning premises in the town 
in 1341 (page 37). The woodcut in the Dublin Penny 
Journal shows the condition of the Font in 1832, with three of 
its sides fractured, and without a base or pedestal. In the resto- 
ration, this fracture was repaired by inserting a fragment found 
at the residence of Mr. John Leland, Beltchburne, supposed to 
have belonged to the Font, and filling up the remainder of the 
gap with plain stone without any carving. A plain octagonal 
base was also added. 

W. Gr. Strickland, 

Hon. Gen. Secretary. 

Treasure Trove Find in Co. Meath, Ireland. — On 17th or 18th 
of June, 1921, a number of coins were found in a crock, when 
a ditch was being cleaned at Abbeylands, Navan, Co. Meath. 
Some fragments of the crock and 29 of the coins, obtained as 
treasure trove, were forwarded by the authorities to the Royal 
Irish Academy. 

The fragments of the vessel are too small to enable its shape 
to be determined : it was black-glazed, probably dating to the 
late seventeenth century. The coins were all silver, in poor con- 



dition. I identified them as, an English shilling of Edward VI., 
four shillings, and fifteen sixpences of Elizabeth; two shillings 
of James I.; one half-crown, five shillings, and one sixpence, of 
Charles I. Thus all the coins were English. The Eoyal Irish 
Academy selected the fragments of the vessel and seven of the 
coins for their collection exhibited in the National Museum:. The 
remainder will be returned to the authorities. 

E. C. E. Armstrong, 


Note on a Bronze Signet Ring Engraved with the Arms of 
Browne. — In the Journal of the Galway Archaeological and 
Historical Society, vol. 4 (1905-6), is figured 
and described on page 21 a gold thumb- 
ring in the possession of Lord Oranmore 
and Browne. This ring is incised with the date 
1591 and a shield bearing an eagle displayed 
between the initials E. B. It is suggested 
that the ring belonged to Edward Browne, 
son of Dominick Browne, Mayor of Galway, 
who died in 1596. 
A signet ring of bronze or latten has been for many years pre- 
served in the collection of the Eoyal Irish Academy ; its bezel is 
cut with a double-headed eagle displayed. It is registered under 
the year 1881; no particulars as to its finding have been recorded. 

At an early meeting of our Society (see Journal, vol. xi, p. 
263), the impression and drawing of a ring were exhibited, and 
in the report of the proceedings the following entry occurs — 
A drawing and impression of a curious bronze signet ring, 
found in the sand hills at Mullaghdhu, Co. Donegal: presented 
by A. G. 'Geoghegan, Esq. The device was by some considered 
to be a raven; by others an eagle displayed." 

As formerly a pencil entry (now replaced by one in ink) had 
been added to the description of the ring in the Academy's 
Register reading " Mac Geoghegan crest or arms," I think this 
entry connects the ring in the Academy's collection with the 
impression mentioned in our proceedings. If this be so, it 
enables the ring to be localised as found at Mullaghdhu, Co. 

A double-headed eagle displayed being the Arms of Browne, 
I have little doubt that the Academy's signet, like that in Lord 
Oranmore and Browne's possession, was engraved for a member 
of that family. It appears to be of seventeenth-century date. 

E. C. E. Armstrong, 

Vice-President . 


Anglo-Saxon Coin found in Westmeath. — The Rev. T. 
Keappock, C.C., of. Collinstown, Westmeath, sent for inspect- 
ion a silver coin recently found at Milltown, Ballynacargy, Co. 
Westmeath. Mr. Keappock writes: — " It was accidentally dis- 
covered by a man digging for sand, and immediately under the 
place of its discovery was a large stone slab which, on being 
removed, revealed a large cave. In this, nothing of importance 
was to be found, except in one corner where, on a large flat stone 
being removed, a small chamber was revealed in which were a 
few bones and a skull belonging to some small animal." 

The coin is one of Ethelred II., who reigned from 979 to 
1016. On the obverse is a bust of the King, and on the reverse 
the name of the moneyer, eadejc, and the place of minting, Y T ork. 
The coin will be found catalogued and described in the British 
Museum Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Coins, vol. ii., page 215, 
No. 81. 

W. G. Strickland, 

Hon. Gen. Secretary. 

Counterfeit Dollars. — Mr. E. C. R. Armstrong, Vice-Presi- 
dent, has communicated the following letter (dated 3rd July, 
1921), which he has received from Mr. Lionel L. Fletcher: — 

" In view of the Quarterly General Meeting of the R. S. A. I., 
it has occurred to me that it might be as well to call attention, 
if this has not already been done, to the fact that fabrications 
of the rare countermarked Dollar for Castlecomer Colliery have 
recently been produced, and to warn Irish collectors against these 
forgeries. The first and only reference which I have seen regard- 
ing this fabrication was in Messrs. Sotheby's Catalogue of the 

W. Talbot Ready " Sale in November last, where it was 
pointed out that the original counter stamp has curled tops to 
the 5's, while the recent production has flat tops, and in view of 
the probability of these forgeries being offered for sale to Irish 
collectors, it would appear advisable to give the matter a wider 
publicity than it has yet received." 


Ireland Under the Normans. Vols. III. and IV. By Goddard H. 
Orpen, Litt.D. (Dublin). Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1920. 

With these two volumes, Dr. Orpen completes his history of the 
Norman period in our history. May we hope that under a title 
fitting to a later period he will carry the story of mediaeval 
Ireland further to its close at the end of the fifteenth century? 
The task will be an even harder one, for any student of this 
period will know how difficult the work becomes after 1333, with 
sources growing even scantier, chronology more uncertain, and 
almost the mass of State records unpublished. 

Dr. Orpen maintains to the full in these two volumes that 
careful scholarship which, when its first two volumes appeared, 
at once placed him in the foremost ranks of real Irish historians — ■ 
a band, unfortunately, not too numerous. He shows again here 
his determination to get to the root of things, to take nothing 
for granted, and to verify his statements to the utmost available 
degree. His work on chronology, pedigree, and baronial tenure 
is impeccable, and constantly he revises our views and adds to 
our knowledge of this period. Many may disagree with his pro- 
nouncements on the Irish " clan-system," " the lack of national 
patriotism in Ireland," " the exaggerated notions of native 
writers as to the antiquity and degree of civilisation in early 
Ireland," or may find him rather too sceptical of native tradition 
and annals; but the field is wide enough for other scholars, more 
skilled perhaps than Dr. Orpen in the Irish language and native 
records, to do for that side the same honest work as Dr. Orpen 
does for his, for naturally he is concerned mainly with the 
Norman colonists of Ireland, and with legal records — nobody, 
we feel sure, will welcome that more than Dr. Orpen. Professor 
MacNeill is, indeed, treating of the native side, and though our 
author has not, apparently, accepted MacNeill's contentions on 
" the clan-system " and on Irish law and civilisation, we may 
welcome every view which is honestly maintained. Dr. Orpen 
is a true pioneer in a field which, before him, was almost un- 
touched, and every student of mediaeval Irish history will find 
his work absolutely indispensable. 

A word or two of criticism. We should like to know why 
Dr. Orpen refers so briefly — indeed, only in a footnote — to 
Domhnall O'Neill's letter or Eemonstrance to John XXII. Does 
he doubt its genuineness? The present writer believes it to be 
not only genuine, but a document of first-rate importance for 

( 81 ) 


ascertaining the attitude of the Irish kings to the English 
Government. We find therein a clear request for tenure in chief 
and admission to the benefits of English law. Yet Dr. Orpen 
treats this question of legal equality very lightly, as he did in his 
earlier volume — almost as if the mediaeval Irish, a race mentally 
quite acute, could not have comprehended the subtlety or advan- 
tages of English law. But this whole question of admission to full 
legal equality is one which badly needs working out. 

Dr. Orpen also seems to assume an incorrigible savagery in 
the Irish clan-bards; the one instance he gives, from the cruel 
times of the Elizabethan reconquest (vol. hi., p. 223), is far from 
fair to these poets whose work (see specimens given by Father 
MacKenna in the Irish Monthly, or by Professor Bergin in 
Studies, or in O 'Grady's Catalogue, which Dr. Orpen quotes for 
a bloody passage) contains plenty of tender, artistic, and non- 
polemic verse. 

Dr. Orpen's final chapter on " 160 Y^ears of Norman Rule '* 
is full of interest. While not accepting all the statements given 
in the appendix to Mrs. Green's latest edition of her Making 
of Ireland, he makes a good case for the volume and variety of 
Irish trade, not only of the colony, but inevitably of Ireland as 
a whole. 

Finally, his references to unpublished authorities, such as 
the Red Booh of Kildare, the Collectanea Hiberniae in. T. C. D., 
&c, &c, rouse all the regret of a research student that so much 
unpublished or ill-edited material still awaits scientific treatment 
before Irish history in this, as in other periods, can be finally 
written. Dr. Orpen, at least, has thrown a flood of light on a 
very obscure period, and we trust he will be long spared to 
unearth and interpret many more of the records of mediaeval 

E. C. 

The Puritans in Ireland, 1647-1661. By The Rev. St. John D. 
Seymour, B.D. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press. 1921. 
Oxford Historical and Literary Series. 

Mr. Seymour has done good service to all students of Irish 
History by the publication of this volume. The period with 
which he deals is too little known, especially on its ecclesiastical 
side, though there is a large amount of material of which our 
historians have made little or no use. Mr. Seymour, with inde- 
fatigable labour, has culled from 56 volumes of the Common- 
wealth Books in the Public Record Office, Dublin, a mass of facts 
which, to most of his readers, will be entirely new. His study of 
these records is the main basis of his book. But he has by no 
means confined his attention to them. Here, there, and every- 
where he has gathered information which throws fresh light on 



a story which is necessarily as obscure as it is important. The 
result is a work which, if it not always easy to read, is of great 
value. So many important persons and little-known places are 
mentioned that at times one finds it difficult to see the wood for 
the trees. But this is largely atoned for by the excellent indexes 
at the end of the book. If anyone wishes to learn how much 
Mr. Seymour has done for us, he has only to look, for example, 
at the meagre account of Edward Worth, Dean of Cork, Presby- 
terian Minister, and Bishop of Killaloe, in Cotton's Fasti; and 
then, with the help of the index of persons, to collect what this 
book tells us of that remarkable man. He may not, after all, be 
able to understand Worth's position; but he will realise that he 
was a man, compact of flesh, blood and bones; and he will ask 
the question, W T hy has not a place been found for such a man in 
the Dictionary of National Biography? 

It is a pity that Mr. Seymour has restricted himself almost 
entirely to ecclesiastical affairs. His book would have been more 
interesting to the general reader if the civil and ecclesiastical 
history of the period had been welded into one. But this would 
have meant a bigger book — too big, perhaps, for the series of 
which it is a part. At all events, we are grateful for what we 
have got — a mine of information for future historians. 

A Guide to the Records Deposited in the Public Record Office of 
Ireland. By Herbert Wood, Assistant Deputy Keeper of the 
Public Records, Ireland. Dublin: H.M. Stationery Office. 

To the students of Irish History the lack of a Guide to the 
archives in the Public Eecord Office has been a severe handicap, 
all the more annoying because their fellow-workers amongst the 
records in the English Public Eecord Office and the Scottish 
Register House have been provided with Guides to those depart- 
ments for some time. The appearance of the present Guide to 
the materials deposited in the Public Record Office, Dublin, will 
be welcome not only to students of history, but also to the legal 
profession. Only now is it possible to gain some idea of the vast 
mass of material stored there. The records of the Equity and 
Common Law Courts, Land Judge's and Bankruptcy and Insolv- 
ency Courts, the Clerks of the Crown and Peace, Parliament, 
Privy Council (with the fine series of Commonwealth Council 
Books), and Chief Secretary's Office, the ecclesiastical records 
of the Prerogative Court and various dioceses, the collection of 
Christ Church Deeds, dating back to 1174, records of the ancient 
Guilds, and many other collections, are here set forth with de- 
scriptions of their nature, which should prove of much assistance 
to the inquirer. Some of the collections have been detailed with 


greater minuteness than others, but it will be long before each 
class has been thoroughly examined. The items in each section 
have been arranged alphabetically, and there is an index not only 
to the different classes, but also to the more important records in 
these classes. To each class there has been prefixed a short 
statement of its origin and nature. 


An Excursion to Palmerston, Lucan, Leixlip, and Drimnagh 
Castle took place on the 11th June. The members left 63 
Merrion Square at 10.30, and proceeded in a motor char-a-banc 
to Palmerston, where the ancient church was visited under the 
guidance of the Hon. Secretary, who explained the various 
points of interest and the alterations made at various times in 
the original fabric. Leaving Palmerston, the party went on to 
Lucan, passing, just before entering the town, the original Spa, 
mentioned by Dr. Rutty, which preceded the present Spa in 
Lucan demesne discovered in 1758. The Rath and Souterrain 
in Mrs. Shackleton's grounds were then inspected, and the 
party then entered the demesne of Lucan House, where they 
were received by Captain Colthurst, who conducted them 
through the grounds. Passing the so-called monument to 
Sarsfield and the old bath-house, the party walked on to the 
Spa Hotel, where lunch was provided. After lunch, Leixlip 
was visited, and the Rector, the Rev. D. H. Oilman, received the 
party at the church. On the way through the town the Hon. 
Secretary pointed out some old houses of interest. The church 
was carefully inspected under the guidance of the Rector and 
the Hon. Secretary, who explained the various points of interest. 
The Castle was next visited, and the party were shown over it 
by Mr. Doyle, the steward. At 2.30 the party left for Drimnagh 
Castle. Having been shown the building by the owner, Mr. 
Hatch, the members were then most hospitably entertained at 
tea by Mr. and Miss Hatch, and a most successful and enjoyable 
day's excursion was thus concluded. 


The Annual General Meeting of the Society was held at 63 
Merrion Square on 27th January, 1921, at 4.30 p.m. 

The President, M. J. McEnery, in the chair. 

Also present : — 

Vice-Presidents: — G. D. Burtchaell, F. Elrington Ball, 
Wm. C. Stubbs, C. MacNeill, Herbert Wood, P. J. Lynch. 

Felloivs: — E. C. R, Armstrong, Wm. A. Traill, John Cooke, 
Richard Colles, W. F. Butler, L. Kehoe, W. G. Strickland, E. J. 
French, Miss M. Nichols, Miss E. Nichols, J. Poe Alton, W. B. 
Joyce, Rev. Canon Stoney, Lord Walter FitzGerald, P. J. 
O'Reilly, D. O'Connor Donelan, Mrs. Hutton, R. Percy 
McDonnell, Mrs. McEnery. 

Members:— Dr. Edith Badham, H. V. Crawfurth Smith, 
R. Grant Pilkington, R. B. Sayers, J. R. B. Jennings, Miss 
H. M. Hutton. 

The Report of the Council, which had been circulated among 
the Fellows and Members, was taken as read. It was moved by 
the President, and seconded by Dr. Elrington Ball, that the 
Report be adopted. After discussion, in which Mr. Traill, Dr. 
McDonnell, Mr. Joyce, and others took part, the Report was 
unanimously adopted. 

The President declared the following to be elected to their 
respective offices, no other nominations having been received: — 

President. — M. J. McEnery, m.r.i.a. 

Vice-Presidents : — 
Leinster. — John Cooke, m.r.i.a. 

Ulster. — Andrew Robinson, m.v.o. 

Sir Lucas White King, c.s.i. 

Munster. — E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a. 


Hon. Gen. Secretary. — Walter G. Strickland, m.r.i.a. 
Hon. Treasurer. — Edward J. French. 

The following appointments by the Council were approved: — 
Auditors for the Year 1921. — William Chamney and Robert 


Clerk. — Miss Cree. 

Mr. Cooke and Mr. Wood were nominated as Scrutineers of 
the ballot for election of Members of the Council. 

( 85 ) 


As the result of the ballot, the following were declared elected 
to fill the seven vacancies on the Council: — 

William F. Butler. 

David A. Chart. 

Eev. H. J. Lawlor, d.d. 

Thomas P. Le Fanu, c.b. 

P. J. Lynch. 

William Cotter Stubbs. 
The following candidates for Membership were elected : — 

Miss E. Geoghegan. 

Miss Geoghegan. 

The Librarian, Chicago University. 
Thomas P. Stewart. 
Miss Gertrude Thrift. 
Captain Arthur J. Fox. 

An Evening Meeting was held on Tuesday, 8th March, 1921, at 
4.30 p.m. 

The President in the chair. 

A paper by The Eev. St. John Seymour, Member, on the 
" Legend of the Cock and Pot," was read by Mr. Armstrong. 
The paper was referred to the Council for publication. 

Mr. Herbert Wood, Vice-President, read a paper, not for 
publication, on " Italian Merchants in Ireland in the Thirteenth 
and Fourteenth Centuries." 

A Quarterly General Meeting was held at 63 Merrion Square, 
on 19th April, 1921, at 4.30 p.m. 

Mr. M. J. McEinery, President, in the chair. 
Also present: — 

Vice-Presidents. — John Cooke, E. A. S. Macalister, Herbert 
Wood, D. Carolan Eushe, H. B. White. 

Fellows. — T. J. Westropp, E. S. Ormsby, Martin J. Blake, 
Daniel J. Nolan, E. J. French, P. J. O'Eeilly, Mrs. J. E. Green, 

E. A. Falconer, T. U. Sadleir, P. J. Lynch, E. J. Kelly, 

F. Kennedy Cahill, W. B. Joyce, Dr. E, Percy McDonnell, Eev. 
J. T. Doyle, H. St. G. Lefroy, C. J. MacGarry, W. G. Strick- 
land, Eev. H. J. Lawlor, Mrs. McEnery, H. S .Crawford. 

Members. — H. V. Crawfurth Smith, E. Grant Pilkington, 
Mrs. Greene Molloy, W. J. Dargan, E. B. Savers, I. E. B. 
Jennings, E. Blair White, Miss M. A. Hutton, J.D. McAuliffe. 

The Auditors' Eeport on the Society's accounts was taken as 
read, and, on the motion of Mr. Booth, seconded by Mr. French, 
was approved, and ordered to be printed in the Journal. 



It was moved by Professor Macalister, and seconded by the 
Hon. Gen. Secretary, and unanimously agreed, that Monsieur 
Leon Coutil, the eminent French antiquary, be invited to become 
an Honorary Fellow of the Society. 

Mr. H. S. Crawford, Fellow, showed a series of casts from 
the carved panels of the Cross at Tihily, King's County. 

Mr. T. U. Sadleir, Fellow, read a paper on " Matthew 
Buckinger, " which was referred to the Council for publication. 

An EiVENING Meeting was held on 24th May, at 4.30 p.m. 
The President in the chair. 

Mr. P. J. Lynch, Fellow, handed in a notice of motion re- 
garding the collection belonging to the Society, now in the 
National Museum, to be brought forward at the next General 

Professor E. Curtis, Member, read a paper on " The High 
King Muirchertach O'Brien and his Norman son-in-law, Arnulf 
de Montgomery. The paper was referred to the Council for pub- 

Report of the Council for 1920. 

During the past year the work of the Society was successfully 
carried on, and the General and Evening Meetings held in 
accordance with the programme approved of at the Annual 
General Meeting. The following communications were re- 
ceived : — 

1. A Wooden Book with waxed and inscribed leaves, found at 

Spring Mount, Co. Antrim. By Professor R. A. S. 
Macalister and E. C. R. Armstrong, Fellows., 

2. The Pedigree and Succession of the House of Mac Carthy 

Mor. By W. F. Butler, Fellow. 

3. The Old Prisons of the City of Dublin. By E. J. French, 


4. Some Notes regarding Slemain Midhe, the battlefield of 

Gairech and Ilghairech, and other places in Westmeath 
referred to in the Tain Bo Cuailgne. By Thomas J. Shaw, 

5. Topographical Notes on the Barony of Coshlea, Co. 

Limerick, including Lackelly, the Lake district, Cenn 
Abrat, Claire, &c. By P. J. Lynch, Vice-President. 

6. The earliest Irish Representations of the Crucifixion. By 

The Reverend Dom Louis Gougaud, O.S.B., communi- 
cated by E. C. R. Armstrong, Hon. Treasurer. 

7. St. Vauk of Came. By J. P. Dalton, Fellow. 


8. The Kav&naghs in the Imperial Service. By Lt.-Col. 

Cavanagh, Fellow. 

9. The Earldom of Ulster, part 5. By Goddard H. Orpen, 


10. Cannistown Church, Co. Meath. By H. S. Crawford, 


11. The Patron of the Church of Kilgobbin, Co. Dublin. By 

P. J. O'Reilly, Fellow. 

12. Account of the attempted Abduction of Miss Newcomen, 

1772. By R. F. S. Colvill, Fellow. 

13. Ancient Monuments in the Neighbourhood of Broadford, 

Co. Clare. By Lt.-Col. Bentley, communicated by 
Herbert Wood, Vice-President . 

14. The Civic Insignia of the Corporation of Dublin. By W. 

G. Strickland, Hon. General Secretary. 

15. Black Abbey, Co. Down. By the late Gustavus E. 

Hamilton, communicated by Herbert Wood, Vice-Presi- 

16. Notes with Illustrations, giving an account of recent Ex- 

cavations of the Neolithic Sanctuary of Tarxien in Malta. 
By E. M. Fannin, Member. 

It has, unfortunately, not been found possible, owing to the 
increased expense of printing, to increase the numbers of the 
Journal during the year. An Extra Volume for 1919, Mr. F. 
Elrington Ball's " Southern Fingal, the sixth part of the 
History of the County of Dublin," was issued to Fellows during 
the year 1920, the Society contributing to the cost of its produc- 

At the Annual General Meeting of the Society held on the 
29th of January, 1920, certain amendments of the Statutes and 
By-laws were made. By these amendments the annual sub- 
scriptions of future Fellows was raised from £1 to £2, and that 
of future Members from 10s. to £1, and the election of Associate 
Members was to cease. The entrance fee for Fellows was fixed 
at £2, and that of Members £1. 

The payments to be made by Fellows and Members are there- 
fore as follows : — 

Fellows enrolled since 1st January, 1920 2 2 

Fellows enrolled prior to 1920 

£ s. d. 


£ s. d. 

Members enrolled prior to 1920 
Members enrolled since 1st January, 1920 





The- Life Composition for Fellows was fixed at £20, including 
entrance fee, and that of Members at £10. A Fellow of 10 
years' standing may now become a Life Fellow on payment of 
£12, and a Member of 10 years' standing may become a Life 
Member on payment' of £8. A Life Member may become a Life 
Fellow on payment of £10. 

By a provision, to remain in force until the Summer General 
Meeting of 1920, Members and Associate Members elected prior 
to 1920 could be elected Fellows on payment of £1. Under this 
provision 202 Members were advanced to the rank of Fellow. 

A list of Fellows and Members of the Society revised up to 
31st January, 1920, was printed and issued. 

The Summer Excursion, which was fixed to take place in the 
County of Wexford and for which all arrangements had been 
made, had to be abandoned in consequence of sufficient applica- 
tions from Members wishing to join not having been received. 
The Council hope that it may be possible to have this excursion 
during the coming Summer. It is also proposed that one or 
more one-day Excursions in the neighbourhood of Dublin be 
arranged for. 

During the year 1920, 15 Ordinary and Special Meetings of 
the Council were held, at which the attendances were: — 

M. J. McEnery-, 




T. J. Westropp, 




William C. Stubbs, 

V ice- 



Herbert Wood, 

Vic e- 



P. J. Lynch, Vice-Pres. 



V ice- 



H. Bantry White, 

Vic e - 



D. Carolan Kushe, 

V ice- 



Charles McNeill, 

Vice - 



Sir William Fry, 




Sir Lucas W. 




A. Robinson, Felloiv 


J. Cooke, Felloiv ... 5 

Miss M. E. Dobbs, Felloiv 4 
Mrs. M. A. Hutton, 

Fellow ... 8 

P. J. O'Reilly, Felloiv ... 14 
Col. R. Claude Cane, 

Fellow ... 5 

J. P. Dalton, Felloiv ... 6 
Lord Walter FitzGerald, 

Fellow ... 7 

T. G. H. Green, Felloiv 4 
R. A. S. Macalister, 

Fellow ... 2 

E. J. French, . Fellow ... 11 

E. Curtis, Member ... 1 

H. S. Crawford, Fellow 12 

H. J. Leask, Fellow ... H 

W. G. Strickland, Hon. 

Gen. Secretary 
E. C. R. Armstrong, Hon. 



By a resolution of the Council on 26th November, it was de- 
cided that the Meetings of the Society be held at 4.30 p.m. 
during the Winter months, and until further notice, instead of 
8 p.m. as heretofore. 

The Council regret to announce the resignation of the office of 
Honorary Treasurer by Mr. E. 0. R. Armstrong, who succeeded 
Mr. Bantry White, in 1919. Mr Armstrong took over the duties 
of Treasurer at a time when the finances of the Society required, 
owing to the effects of the War, careful management, and 
he has been unremitting in his efforts to reduce expenditure 
and promote in every way the interests of the Society. The 
Council desire to express their recognition of his services and to 
record their regret at his resignation and their thanks for the 
assistance given not only to them but to the Society. Th© 
Council feel sure that this expression of regret and of thanks will 
be endorsed by the Members! of the Society. 

On 27th July, Mr. Leask, who had been appointed Honorary 
General Secretary on the resignation of Mr. Charles McNeill, 
having found that his duties elsewhere did not allow him satis- 
factorily to carry on the duties of Hon. General Secretary, felt 
compelled to ask the Council to accept his resignation. The 
Council did so with regret, and unanimously voted to him their 
thanks for, and appreciation of, his services. 

The Council on the same day, appointed Mr. W. G. Strickland, 
Member of the Council, to be Honorary General Secretary, to 
hold office until the next Annual General Meeting. 

At the following Council Meeting Mr. Leask was co-opted a 
Member of the Council. 

Mr. Ball, who had acted as Clerk in the office for some years, 
retired on the 24th of February. The Council on the 30th of 
March appointed Miss 0. Cree as Clerk until the next Annual 
General Meeting; and it was ordered that the office hours be 
from 10 to 5 o'clock. 

The following nominations have been received for the vacancies 
in the Several offices of the Society to be filled at the Annual 
General Meeting : — 
President : — 

Michael Joseph McEnery, m.r.i.a., Deputy Keeper of the 
Records in Ireland. 
Vice-Presidents : — 

Leinster — John Cooke, m.a., m.r.i.a., a former Vice- 

Ulster — Andrew Robinson, m.v.o., Inspector of Ancient 
and National Monuments, Board of Works. 
Sir Lucas White King, c.s.i., m.r.i.a., &c, a former 

Munster — E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a., m.r.i.a., Keeper of 
Irish Antiquities, National Museum; a former Hon. 
General Secretary and late Hon. Treasurer. 




f.s.a., m.r.i. a., Professor of Celtic Archaeology, Uni- 
versity College, Dublin; a former Vice President. 

Honorary General Secretary: — 
Walter G. Strickland, Fellow. 

Honorary Treasurer: — 

Edward J. French, Fellow. 

Auditors : — 

Robert Nicol. 
William Chamney. 

Clerk : — 

Miss C. Cree. 

As no nominations have been made in excess of the existing 
vacancies, the foregoing are to be declared elected to their 
several offices. 

Members of the Council: — 

1. William F. Butler, m.a., Assistant Commissioner of 

Intermediate Education; a former Vice-President. 

2. David Alfred Chart, m.a., Public Record Office, 


3. Rev. Hugh Jackson Lawlor, d.d., litt.d., Professor of 

Ecclesiastical History in the University of Dublin, 

4. Thomas Philip Le Fanu, cb., Commissioner of Public 

Works; a former Vice-President, Fellow. 

5. Patrick Joseph Lynch, m.r.i. a., late Vice-President. 

6. Thomas Ulick Sadleir, m.a., m.r.i. a., Registrar, Office of 

Arms, Fdlow. 

7. William Cotter Stubbs, m.r.i. a., late Vice-President 

and formerly Honorary Treasurer, Fellow. 

8. Richard J. Kelly, k.c 

The nominations being in excess of the vacancies, the fore- 
going 8 names will be balloted for to fill the 7 vacancies. 

During the year 11 Fellows and 23 Members joined the 
Society. 204 Members were promoted to the rank of Fellow. 9 
Fellows and Members resigned. 4 Fellows and TO Members 
were removed from the Roll, under Rule 10. 

The deaths of 22 Fellows and members were recorded. 


Names of Fellows and Members removed from the Roll under 
Rule 10: — 

Fellows : — 

Sir Dunbar Plunket Barton, j Shyk Abul Fazl. 
Victor George Davey. | John Francis Weldrick. 

Members : — 

Michael Gleeson. Rev. Robert McEnery. 

Rev. Patrick Hayden. G. P. Sheridan. 

James McDonnell. Dr. Owen Kerrigan. 

Associate Members: — 
Lt.-Col. Eustace. I Miss Hyslop. 

Alfred Miller. 

Deaths recorded in 1920. 
Fellows : — 
" Dr. Erskine Beveridge. 
Samuel W. P. Cowan. 

Most Rev. J. P. Crozier, Archbishop of Armagh. 

Most Rev. Nicholas Donnelly, Bishop of Canea. 

Arthur Fitzmaurice. 

Rev. W. T. Latimer, d.d. 

Capt. J. G. O'Brien. 

Henry Stokes. 

W. J. Synnott. 

Lady Alexandra P. Hamilton. 

Honorary Fellows : — 
Robert Munro, m.d. | Ven. David R. Thomas. 

Members : — 
Rev. Canon Richard Burnett. 
Freeman W. Deane. 
Lt. -Colonel R. W. Forsayeth. 
Rev. Canon Michael M'Glone. 
Wilfrid B. O'Kane. 
Rev. Canon J. P. Power, p.p. 
Rev. A. Purefoy. 
Joseph B. Skeffington, ll.d. 
Miss Isabella Smyth. 
Rev. Canon H. W. Lett, m.r.i.a. 

Obituary Notices. 

The Most Rev. Nicholas Donnelly, D.D., Bishop of Canea. 
On the 28th March, 1920 the Society lost a valued and scholarly 
Member by the death of the late Bishop of Canea. Though the 
work of his life will ever be inseparably connected with the Church 
to which he belonged, we naturally turn to his labours in the field 



of History and Archaeology and his connection with our Society. 
He joined the Society as a Member in 1891, becoming a Fellow 
in 1894, and was Vice-President from 1900 to 1903, and again 
from 1905 to 1908. Though he contributed only twice to the 
Journal of the Society (see Vol. XXIII., pages 123 and 421), he 
was a frequent attendant at its Meetings, w T here his genial pre- 
sence and store of knowledge made him a welcome visitor. 
Outside the Society the historical contributions from his pen 
were mainly of an ecclesiastical nature. In Ireland and the 
Isle of Man he chronicled the Labours of Irish priests in that 
island, and in his series of Pamphlets on the Old Dublin Catholic 
Churches or Chapels and the growth of the Parish system he 
rescued from obscurity a great amount of interesting Dublin 
history. These form part of a projected larger work in which all 
the parishes in the Dioceses of Dublin and Glendalough were to 
be included; but this intention was unfortunately never carried 
out. Dr. Donnelly was a man of wide and accurate learning and 
culture. From his earliest years he was an ardent student of 
music, and some forty years ago published a translation of 
Haberl's work on Church music, the " M agister Choralis." He 
was one of the earliest Members of the Royal Irish Academy of 
Music, and he kept up his attendance at its Meetings to the very 
end of his days. He was a fine and fluent public speaker, and 
shone in social life where his conversation, his wide knowledge 
and charming personality made his presence a delight to his 
friends and listeners. 

Robert Munro, M.A., M.D., LL.D., F.R.S.E., a valued 
Honorary Member died, on July 18th, 1920, in his 85th year. 
He was born in Ross-shire, July 21st, 1835, educated in the 
Edinburgh University and practised as a physician in Kilmarnock. 
He retired from practice in 1886 and devoted himself to the 
Sciences of the Past. We will not enter into competition with 
the writers of obituaries, bibliographies and appreciations in the 
numerous other Societies of which Dr. Munro was a Member, 
but will confine ourselves in a few words to his work and to his 
relations with our Society. Of the Societies of which he was an 
Honorary Member we may name the Royal Irish Academy ; our 
Society (Hon. Fellow, 1891); Societe des Antiquaires du Nord 
and Societe de Archeologie de Bruxelles. He was for many 
years Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Cor- 
responding Member of the Society of Antiquaries of London, the 
Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia and the 
Anthropological Societies of Berlin and Vienna. He was an 


Associate of the Society of Anthropology of Paris. He appears 
as " Rhind," " Dalrymple " (University of Glasgow) and 
" Munro " Lecturer (University of Edinburgh). 

In addition to numerous papers contributed to the proceedings 
of various Societies, he was the author of the following works: — 
The Lake Dtvellings of Scotland and those of Europe; Bosnia, 
Herzegovina and Dalmatia; Prehistoric Scotland and its place in 
European Civilization; Prehistoric Problems; Archaeology and 
false Antiquities ; Man as an artist and sportsman in palaeolithic 
times. 1 All but the last are of importance to workers on com- 
parative archaeology in Ireland. The great war roused the 
veteran worker to write Darwinism and Human Civilization, in 
1914, and From Dai*winism to Kaiserism , in 1919. These practi- 
cally close the work of an earnest searcher for truth, and a, man 
of counsel and energy even where life was " but labour and 
sorrow " in its extreme span. 

Irish Antiquaries will also recall his evidence on behalf of the 
Royal Irish Academy in its claim to the Broighter ornaments. 

His contributions to our Journal are typical of his work being 
on his favourate subjects. They are — Structural Features of Lake 
Dwellings, Vol. XXIV; Notes on Otter and Beaver Traps, Vol. 
XXVI, and a review of T. J. Westropp's Ancient Forts of 
Ireland, Vol. XXXII. It may be added that the latter work 
was published with his encouragement, though it was the author's 
desire to hold it back for some years for further research. 
This recalls that Irish workers received from Dr. Munro valuable 
sympathy, criticism and careful advice. He was most accessible 
to those wishing to discuss archaeological doubts and difficulties. 
His keen interest in our early remains, his suggestions and 
questions, will be remembered by his former associates, and 
those who know his work and character will regret our loss. 

Rev. Henry William Lett, died at his residence, Aghaderg 
Glebe, Loughbrickland, on 26th December, 1920. He was born 
in 1838, was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, and ordained 
in 1861. He was for 34 years Rector of Aghaderg, and was 
Chancellor of Dromore. He was an earnest worker in the fields of 
Archaeology and Natural Science, and was a Member of the 
Royal Irish Academy and of several other Societies. He joined 
the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland as a Member in 1880. 
He was for many years, until the time of his death, Hon. 

1 Reviewed in our Journal, Vol. XXVI, but too exclusively on the bearing 
of Bosnian Art on Irish Ornament. It omits the remarkable similarity of the 
Ancient Forts with those of Ireland. 



Provincial Secretary for Ulster, and as such contributed many 
notes and reports to the Society's Journal, and contributed the 
following papers: — Dun at Dorsey, Co. Armagh, an important 
paper (Vol. XXVIII); Slieve Donard (Vol. XXXV), and The 
Island of Loughbrickland (Vol. XXXV). His short notes and 
reports will be found in Vols. XV, XVI, XXII, and XXXII. 

The Eev. William Thomas Latimer, M.A., D.D., Minister 
of Eglish Presbyterian Church, died on the 9th of July, 1920, 
He was elected a Member of the Society in 1892, Fellow in 
1896, a Vice-President for Ulster 1903-1907, and was Hon. Local 
Secretary for the Co. Tyrone. He w r ill be remembered as the 
author of J. History of the Irish Presbyterians, a valuable con- 
tribution to Irish History. Several papers and notes by him 
were published in the Journal, among them, The Old Sessions 
Book of Templepatrick Church, The Battle of Benhurb, The 
Minutes of the Presbytery of Lagan, The Battle of the Yellow 
Fore/, and Ulster Emigration to America. His contributions 
will be found in Vols. XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVIII 

Henry John Stokes. On August 10th, 1920, Henry John 
Stokes died in his 79th year, at his house 45 Eaglan Eoad, 
Dublin. His father, William Stokes, the eminent physician, his 
eldest brother, Whitley, and his eldest sister Margaret 
are personalities familiar to all students of the ancient history, 
literature, and archaeology of Ireland. The Folk Music 
of Ireland specially appealed to him; Dr. Petri© helped 
him to learn the violin when a boy, and on his death 
left him the instrument he took with him w T hen making 
his collection of Irish Airs. Stokes was a good linguist, and in 
later years studied the Irish Language. On his retirement from 
the Indian Civil Service he came to Ireland, living in Dublin and 
at Howth. He became a Member of the Eoyal Society of Anti- 
quaries of Ireland in 1898, and a Fellow in 1902. From 1903 to 
1913 he was Honorary Treasurer of the Society. 

The number of Fellows and Members is 830, distributed as 
follows : — 

Honorary Fellows 

Life Fellows 


Life Members 


Associate Members 





The following Sessional Programme is submitted: — 






27 Jan. 

Annual General Meeting 



8 Mar. . 

Evening Meeting for Papers 

19 April . 

Quarterly Meeting 


24 May . 

Evening Meeting for Papers 


5 July . 

Quarterly (Summer) Meeting 

20 Sept. . 

Quarterly Meeting 

5 J • 

1 Nov. . 

Evening Meeting for Papers 

>» • 

13 Dec. . 

Statutory Meeting 

The Library. 

On the 24th of February, 1920, the Council appointed a Com- 
mittee to consider and report upon the housing and arrangement 
of the Library. In accordance with the recommendation of the 
Committee the bookcases and shelving in the two ground-floor 
rooms as well as those in the upper room, presented by Dr. Ball, 
were, after necessary alterations, erected in the two ground-floor 
rooms. In these the books already in the back room and those 
stored in presses in various parts of the house, as also the collec- 
tion presented by Dr. Ball, were arranged and classified. The 
cases were lettered and the shelves numbered. The Society's 
Library has thus been brought together and made available for 
Members. The preparation of a card catalogue will be proceeded 

An accumulation of unbound Journals and Papers was cleared 
out of the basement and presses, and a number of Scientific and 
other papers useless to the Society, as well as a. quantity of 
waste paper, were put aside for sale. 

All surplus numbers of the Society's Journals, Annual Volumes 
and Handbooks, stored in the house and at the University Press, 
have been sorted and arranged in the small room, upstairs. 

The surplus Annual Volumes, Handbooks and Guides issued 
by the Society at various times have been offered to the Fellows 
and Members at a reduced price ; and this offer has been largely 
availed of. 

The Council desire to express their indebtedness and thanks 
to Mr. Crawford, a Member of the Library Committee, for his 
valuable services in connection with the Library, particularly 



in the work of arranging the stock of Journals, Annual publica- 
tions, &c, and the collection of blocks and slides, as well as the 
sending out of the Books offered to Fellows and Members 
voluntarily undertaken by him. 

In addition to Periodicals received in exchange for the Society's 
Journal, the following Books have been added to the Library 
during the year : — 

An Irish Peer on the Continent. By T. U. Sadleir, Fellow; 
presented by the Author. 

Early Irish Crosses and Slabs. By H. S. Crawford, 
Fellow; presented by the Author. 

Two Centuries of Life in Doivn. By J. Stevenson; 
presented by the Author. 

Catalogue of the Gold Ornaments in the Royal Irish 
Academy's Collection. By E. C. R. Armstrong; 
presented by the Author. 

Ardrishaig and its Vicinity, Pamphlet. By Colin Leitch; 
presented by the Author. 

Guide to the Public Records of Ireland. By Herbert Wood, 
m.r.i. a. ; presented by the Deputy Keeper of the 

Le Portugal et le Saint-Siege. Les Precurseurs de Vasco 
da Gama. Both by Marquis Mac Swiney and presented 
by him. 

Reports of the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments in 
England, Wales and Scotland, 11 Volumes; presented 
by P. J. Lynch, Fellow. 

Acquisitions in the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1917; 
presented by the Director. 

Ireland Under the Normans. By Goddard H. Orpen, Vols. 
Ill and IV; presented by the Author. 

Journal of the Friends Historical Society, Vols. I to VI; 
presented by E. Fayle. 

A Hundred Years of Bray and its Neighbourhood ; presented 
by E. Fayle 

Irish Ethno-Botany. By M. F. Moloney; presented by 
E. Fayle, a,s well as several small guides and pamphlets. 

Materials for the History of the Franciscan Province in 
Ireland. By Rev. E. B. Fitzmaurice and G. Little; 
presented by the Authors. 

Board of Works Reports on Ancient Monuments, 10 num- 
bers, 1905-1913; presented by the Commissioners of 
Public Works. 



The total receipts for 1920 from all sources were £759 19s. 5d. 
as against £739 0s. 10d. in 1919, £689 9s. 2d. in 1918, and 
£608 15s. lid. in 1917. 

The revenue from subscriptions amounted to £535 6s. 0d., but 
there- is a considerable amount of subscriptions still outstanding. 

Miscellaneous receipts produced £205 19s. lid., of which 
£84 3s. 6d. was derived from the rents of portion of the Society's 

The lease of the flat expired on 1st of September, 1920. The 
former tenants, however, continue for the present in occupation 
under the Increased Rent and Mortgage Act of July, 1920, at. an 
increased' rent of £23 Is 8d. a year. 

An important item of the miscellaneous receipts has been 
derived from the special sale of publications. The amount re- 
ceived under this head amounts to £62 15s. Od. It is gratifying 
to note that, so many Fellows have taken advantage of the 
Council's offer from the stock of the Society's extra archaeological 
publications. This offer has been extended to> Members, and the 
'Council anticipate further income from this source during the 
next financial year. 

The following Fellows and Members have presented donations 
towards the Society's funds: — 

Miss Bernard. 

Miss Fairholme. 

Mrs. Ida Greene Molloy. 

Sir John R. O'Connell. 

Rev. J. F. Pillor. 

Mr. T. J. Westropp. 
Lady Dorothy Lowry-Corry. 
The Late N. J. Synnott. 
Edwin Fayle. 

The total receipts from all sources for the year ending 31st 
December, 1920, amounted to £759 19s. 5d. The total amount 
expended for the same period was £641 14s. 5d. ; leaving a sum 
of £118 5s. Od. towards the reduction of the Bank overdraft, 
which on 1st January, 1920, stood at £206 13s. 10d., and now 
amounts to £88 8s. lOd. 

The reduction of the debt, due to the Bank is gratifying. A 
conservative policy will, however, be necessary in view of the 
greatly increased cost of printing and general administrative 
expenses, coinciding with a decrease in the purchasing power of 
money. The increase in Fellows' and Members' subscriptions 
will begin to make itself more fully felt, in 1921, and there is no 
reason to take a pessimistic view of the Society's finances. 

The principal item, of expense has been the printing of the 
Journal. This year the Society contributed a portion of the 
cost of the Year Book, Southern Fiyigal, by Dr. F. Elrington 
Ball, which has been distributed to Fellows of the Society. 






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Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 



M. J. McENERY, m.r.i.a. 

Vice- President: 

Rev. J. L. Robinson, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Herbert Wood, b.a., m.r.i.a. 
Richard Langrishe. 
John Cooke, m.r.i.a. 

D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 
Charles McNeill. 
A. Robinson. 

Sir Lucas White King, c.s.i. 


G. D. Burtchaell, m.a., ll.b. 

H. Bantry White, i.s.o. 
William W. A. Fitzgerald. 
E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a. 

T. B. Costello, m.d. 
Sir William Fry, d.l. 
O'Conor Don. 
R. A. S. Macalister, f.s.a. 


Hon. General Secretary 

G. Strickland, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Hon. Treasurer 

E. J. French, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 


Mrs. M. A. Hutton. 

P. J. O'Reilly. 

Colonel R. Claude Cane. 

J. P. Dalton, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

Lord Walter FitzGerald, m.r.i.a. 

T. G. H. Green, m.r.i.a. 

H. S. Crawford, m.r.i.a. 

H. G. Leask. 

David A. Chart, m.r.i.a. 
Thomas U. Sadleir, m.r.i.a. 
William Cotter Stubbs, m.r.i.a. 
P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a. 
T. P. Le Fanu, cb., m.r.i.a. 
William F. Butler, m.r.i.a. 
Rev. H. J. Lawlor, d.d., litt.d. 

Note. — The names of Vice-Presidents and Council are arranged according to dates of election. 
The names first on the list retire first. 

Past Presidents who are ex=officio Members of Council 

Count Plunkett, ic.c.h.s., m.r.i.a. 
Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

Honorary Librarians 

W. G. Strickland. 
H. S. Crawford. 

Keeper of Prints and Photographs 

H. S. Crawford, m.r.i.a. 

Auditors of Accounts (for 1921) 

Robert Nicol. 
William Chamney. 


Miss Cree, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

The Provincial Bank of Ireland, Ltd., 12 St. Stephen's Green, Dublin. 

Hon. Provincial Secretaries, 1921 


Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., Dublin. 


The Eev. Canon Moore, m.a., 30 Clarinda Park, W., Kingstown. 

Robert M. Young, m.r.i.a., Belfast. 

Edward Martyr Tulyra Castle, Ardrahan. 
Richard J. Kelly, k.c, j.p., Tuam. 

Hon. Local Secretaries 

Antrim, North 
,, South 
Belfast City 

„ City 
Down, North 

City . . 
Galway, North 

Kerry . 



King's County 



Londonderry . 


Louth . 




Queen's County 



Tipperary, South 

W at erf or d 






W. A. Traill, m.a. 

W. J. Knowles, m.r.i.a. 

* # * * 

R. M. Young, m.r.i.a. 
Rev. J. Coyle, p.p. 

* # * * # 

Col. John W. Macnamara. 
The G'Donovan, m.a., d.l. 

Rev. P. Power, m.r.i.a. 

* * * * # 

* * * * # 
F. J. Bigger, m.r.i.a. 

William C. Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
John Cooke, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Lady Dorothy Lowry Corry. 
T. B. Costello, m.d. 
Miss Redington. 
Singleton Goodwin, m.inst.c.e. 
Lord Walter FitzGerald, m.r.i.a 
M. M. Murphy, m.r.i.a. 
Mrs. Tarleton. 

H. J. B. Clements, d.l., m.r.i.a. 

J. Grene Barry, d.l. 

E. M. F. G. Boyle, m.r.i.a. 

J. M. Wilson, d.l. 

Joseph Dolan. 

Rev. T. T. Reidy. 

Ven. Archdeacon Healy, ll.d. 

D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 

Rev. Edward O'Leary, p.p. 

O'Conor Don. 

* * * * # 
Rev. St. John Seymour. 

Rev. James J. Ryan. 

Rev. J. Rapmund. 

Beverley G. Ussher. 

Rev. Patrick Power, m.r.i.a. 

Thomas J. Shaw t . 

Henry A. S. Upton, m.r.i.a. 

Dr. G. E. J. Greene, m.r.i.a., f.l.s. 





(Formerly the Kilkenny Archaeological Association, and the Royal Historical 
and Archaeological Association of Ireland) 

List of the Volumes, showing the relation between the Consecutive 
Numbers and the Numbers of each of the Six Series ; also the Years for 
which each Volume was issued. 


Consecutive Number | 

Number of Series 




1849, 1850, 




1852, 1853. 



1854, 1855. 



2nd Series, 

1856, 1857. 




1858, 1859. 



1860, 1861. 



,, . . . 

1862, 1863. 



,, . . . 

1864, 1865, 






♦ X. 


3rd Series, 

1868, 1869. 



4th Series, 

1870, 1871. 



. . . 

1872, 1873. 



., ... 

1874, 1875. 



>> • • 

1876, 1877, 




n • • • 

1879, 1880, 

1881, 1882. 




1883, 1884. 



1885, 1886. 



1887, 1888. 









5th Series, 








. . • 























! » • • * 













,, ... 







. . . 










»t • • • • 







6th Series, 

























,, . . • 











The Volumes marked (*) are now out of print. Some of the remaining Volumes can be supplied 
to Members at the average rate of 10s. each. Odd Parts of some of the foregoing volumes can 
be supplied. The Quarterly Parts of the Fifth Series can be supplied to Members at 3s. each. 

In order to assist Fellows and Members to obtain back numbers of the Journal, the Council have 
decided to offer the volumes for the fifteen years from 1870-1884 at the greatly reduced price of 
£1 for the set. 

Plate XV] 

[To face page 101 









By Thomas Johnson Westropp, m.a., Past-President. 

[Continued from page 16.] 

Bantry (Muintervara). 

Crossing Bantry Bay, we pass so closely along its northern shore 
as to be able to examine its cliffs minutely for early remains. Only 
Shot Head and Mehal Point, or more properly Rintraghranmur- 
ragh, have any cliffs or bold rocks, and none of these are fortified, 
or indeed very fit for the purpose. Beyond these, the shores 
round the east end of the bay and back to Dunnamark, the site of 
the Carews' Castle, are low. At the last-named place is only a 
ring (or crescent) fort, partly cut away by the river. 

West from Bantry, a narrow mountainous peninsula juts for 16 
miles out between the Bays of Bantry and Dunmanus. Lacking 
the picturesque outlines of the peninsulas of Schull, Beare, and 
Dingle, it yet rises to considerable heights at Seefin (1,136 ft.), 
Gouladane (1,003), Caher (1,129), and the hills at Ardaneening 
(1,048). It ends in Muintervarry or Sheep's Head. The mass 
consists of red crags, furrowed and moulded by ancient glaciers 
and shore hillocks of blue and yellow clay and gravel. London 
pride, ferns and pinguicola grow in the runnels, while, in the low 
grounds, are thickets of osmunda and rank marsh plants. 

( 101 ) 



We pass beneath the beautiful woods of Bantry House and the 
picturesque old graveyard, where the Franciscan Friary once stood 45 
erected by Sullivan in 1330. We reach the shore out of a maze 
of low green hills, several with ring forts on their summits, near 
Lromclough. Thence on past Rinn Point and up the lofty road, 
'often unfenced and narrow, along the edge of cuttings and preci- 
pices to Gouladoo and Collack. The sweep of the high moun- 
tains in Beare and those inland heights towards Muskerry is mag- 
nificent as seen across the great bay. From Black Ball Head 
and Dunbeg past flat-topped Slieve Miskish and the great domes 
of Hungry Hill and the Sugarloaf , on to the shapely cone of Mullach 
Maisha, the stately range extends. Muintervara is included in 
West Carbery, but, in the irregular divisions of the seaboard of 
Cork, is best located as the Bantry district. 

The origin of the name Bantry is not (as many say and some 
have published) taken from; a non-existent ' ' white strand. " It is 
the name of a non-Milesian tribe, the Beanntraige (once of some 
importance, like the Muscraige and Greccraige) given in the lists 
of the tributary or " servile " races. 46 Local etymology is often 
bad in Co. Cork, and, eked out by assertive but unproved " history, " 
we are expected to accept a mass of contradictory derivation. 
Even the origin given by Sanas Chormaic, page 21, is uncon- 
vincing, " Benntraige, i.e., binit rige, rennet kingdom." Dr. 
Joyce 47 says the Beanntraige settled partly in Wexford, partly in 
Cork, and were sprung from Conor mac Nessa, but if so why were 
they classed with the " non- Celtic " Aithech Tuatha? Others 48 
prefer to derive it from " Beant mac Farriola O Donovan," some 
say he was an O Mahony. Others say " Beanna " was a son of 
King Cormac mac Airt. 

The origin of the name Muintervara is as obscure. Some (with 
probability) think that a tribe named " Beara " 49 dwelt to either 
side of the bay. Others say that the Muintervara were Driscolls 
or Sullivans. An old gentleman, living about 1700, told Dr. 
Smith, 50 the historian, half a century later, that the place was 
called after a Mary O' Sullivan, whose father gave each of his seven 
daughters a parish, hers being " Minteravoira " — a very palpable 
and clumsy folk-etymology ! Others said she was a Mary Mac 
Carthy, who robbed the Kilcrea friars and brought disaster on her 

45 The dark, well-proportioned cross, commemorating the many who 
died in the Great Famine, is the only object of more than local interest 
in the cemetery. 

46 List of Aithech Tuatha. Bev. Celt, vol. xx, p. 336. (Egerton MSS., 
m, f. 37b.) 

47 Irish Names of Places, ser. i, ch. ii, p. 121. 

48 Lewis' Topographical Diet., vol. i, p. 185. 

49 " The three Mic Ainchearda of Beara " and " the people of Bearra 
are of the race of Aengus Bolg, son of Maieniad, son of Lugaid 
mac Con/' suggest various derivations. (Corca Laidhe, p. 23.) 

50 Hist, of Cork, vol. i, p. 285. 

Plate XVI] 

[To face page 



tribe. 51 I find no really early record save a mention of Muinter 
Baire in the Dublin Annals of Inisfallen. Captain Roger Harvie 
was appointed Governor of " Minterbarry " in January, 1601, and 
Donagh mac Farrie of " Winterwarrie " was pardoned in that year, 
" Mintrovallie Point and Sheep's Head " appear on the 17th 
century maps (M88. T.C.D., H. i. 7). The Sullivans owned 
many townlands in Moenterbar-y tin 1617. 52 Another family, 
O Daly, were bards of some note. Some of them were seated on 
the edge of Counties Clare and Galway neaf Finnevarra (note the 
local name in each case), where Hyacinth O 1 Daly's monument may 
be seen on the shore of the Oyster Creek, not far from Corcomroe 
Abbey. They are said to have been hereditary bards to the 
Sullivans. The site of their school is shown at Dromnea, over 
Dunmanus Bay. 53 The Pacata Hibemia 54 (if it can be trusted for 
•such ancient events) says that " O'dalies' Ancestor had the County 
•of Moynterbary given unto him by the Lord President's Ancestor 
many hundred yeares past, at which time Carew had to his inheri- 
tance the moity of the whole kingdom of Corke, which was first 
given by King Henry the Second unto Robert FitzStephen: the 
service which O Daly and his Progenie were to doe for so large a 
proportion of lands unto Carew and his successors was (according 
to the custome of that time) to be their Rimers, or chroniclers of 
their actions." Had not Carew 's ambitious attempt been so 
patent to manipulate documents of the ancient Carews in order to 
substantiate his inordinate claims, the statement might carry more 
weight. In May, 1634, Dermot, son of Teige Daly, enfeoffed 
William Hall in Tullagh in " Moyntrovary. " Unless some 
manuscripts of the 0- Dalys should come to light, it is unlikely that 
this wild, sterile place should be found to have any figure in even 
local history, 

Dromclough (O.S. 118). — Near the great yellow drift bank of 
Relane Point, in the West of Dromclough, or Dromaclpugh, town- 
land, we see a bold outstanding mound, with a fosse, on a low 
lieadland, hitherto unnoted and unmarked. In the angle of the 
recess several long, strangely squared, natural piers run out into 
the sea on a level rock pavement, marked by strata and grooves 
like cart tracks. Such we see at Downeen Castle, in Co. Cork, 
and at Kilcredaun Well, Co. Clare. The three " piers," like those 
at Dunnycove, make regular M docks," between which the largest 
and central rock has a high clay cap carved into the fort. 

The type hardly exists in the three more southern provinces 
•outside of Co. Cork; Knockadoon and Ballytrasna, near Bally - 

51 Cork Hist, and Arch. Soc, vol. i, p. 261; vol. ii, p. 19. 
5Z Fiants, No. 6539. 

53 Inq. Exchr., Jas. I., No. 46. O.S. Map 129. 

54 Pacata Hib. } ii., ch. iii. 


cotton and Portadooneen, at Courtmacsherry, almost exhaust the 
list. At Dromclough the north side, east end and neck of the fort 


o so 

- f TO NORTH ^S^^Nl^^i 

DROMCLOUGH (diagram) 

GOULADOO (diagram) 

are grassy and, so, well preserved. The neck is carved into a 
narrow gangway, 10 ft. to 15 ft. wide, with a fosse, 6ft. to 8 ft. deep 
and about 9 ft. wide below, at the landward end, once (probably); 


crossed by a plank or bridge. The platform of the fort is level, 
15 ft. to 20 ft. over the neck. It was cut into a curve and stone- 
faced, as the ledge on which the revetment rested and the steep 
sides show. Although the high layers of underlying rock keep the 
clay from the cutting of the waves, yet where the spray has killed 
the grass the break of the waves and the weather are rapidly 
■destroying the west and south sides of the fort. Apart from the 
clay cap, very similar forts are not uncommon in the rock plat- 
forms, such as Dooneendermotmore, Dermot's Island, Dungrania 
(on Inisbofin), and the great forts of Illaunobric, Illaunadoon, and 

In Curraghnawaddra, not far westward from Dromclough, is a 
curious little fort. The whole face of a low hill has slipped down, 
but many years have since passed, for it is covered with grass and 
a few bushes. Along with it fell half of a small earthwork, a ring 
mound. This miniature Dun Aengusa is a platform rising 8 ft. to 
10 ft. above the hill top; its ring is 12 ft. high to the west, 14 ft. 
thick below and 6 ft. on top, only rising about 2 ft. over the garth. 
It is girt by a shallow fosse, 9 ft. wide, 3 ft. deep, to the east, but 
nearly filled elsewhere. It has no outer ring. The garth is from 
30 ft. E. and W. to about 35 ft. where most is preserved. Gorta- 
lassa fort on a neighbouring hill inland is large, but normal. 

Rinn Point, Killovenoge (O.S. 117). — Near Gortalassa School 
is a prominent peninsula, a bold ridge, beyond a straight, marshy, 
shallow hollow in the neck, ending in little creeks to the west. 
Here Carew camped his army in 1602, ready for transport to Dun- 
boy. He describes it thus 57 : — " Killovenoke, surrounded by the 
sea on three sides, the fourth being entrenched." A letter of his 
is dated from it on June 1st. He seems to have suffered from 
typical bad weather. " We had no intermission of huge storms 
such as, I think, no man living has seen the like. The country of 
Beare is full of witches; between them and Archer I do partly 
believe the Devil has been raised." James Archer was " the in- 
famous Jesuite " that so narrowly escaped capture in the siege of 
Dunboy and got away to Spain in the already named Galway ship. 

I was not a little disappointed to find no trace of what, in 1602, 
was probably a promontory fort. This may have been at the west 
end of the point where fang-like parallel rows of rocks run seaward 
and little of the clay cap is left. The existing fences are modern; 
I only found one old feature at the inner corner of the outer west 
creek, a small niche and basin, cut in a low, red rock face, 
brightened by sheepbit and scarlet pimpernel. It was dry in the 
exceptional summer of my visit. 

Gouladoo (O.S. 129). — Far to the west of Rinn, in Kilcrohane, 
is a remarkable fortified headland of dark grey slate, uptilted and 

57 Pacata Hib., iii., ch. vi. ; Cat. Carew MSS. (1601-3), pp. 242-3. 


separated from the mainland by a gully. This is spanned (like 
those at Doonagh and Dursey) by a natural arch. The adjoining 
townland is called Dunoure, but no fort is known to have existed 
near this, so perhaps that name refers to Gouladoo. The arch is 
lintelled, like a great Egyptian pylon, and is 15 ft. or 16 ft. wide at 
the gully. The neck is wider to the landward, and was strongly 
defended. First we find a trace of a hollow or fosse; then the 
foundation of a drystone wall 82 ft. long (E. and W.); behind, a 
natural abrupt ridge forms a banquette over 4 ft. high; the wall is 
about 12 ft. thick, the terrace 12 ft. to 15 ft. wide. Beyond this the 
neck was enclosed all round by a fence about 6 ft. thick. The 
whole work measures about 80 ft. each way. As at Doonagh, 1 
think that the line of debris on the peninsula along the edge of the 
chasm is a trace of a wall, and that the bare slope behind it was 
stripped by a, landslip. The whole is tufted with luxuriant masses 
of rich crimson heather. 

To the west lies another headland named " Collack, " pictur- 
esque and having apparently a fosse and mound on its neck; but 
this proves to be a natural gully and a slate quarry. The headland 
was too broad to be suitable for fortification. The map shows no 
antiquities and few headlands west from Gouladoo, but two points, 
Eskraha and Gortovallig, should be examined. A well, called 
Toberdoonaree, lies about a mile east from Sheep's Head, towards 
Doolough telegraph tower, but no ring fort or headland appears on 
the map to justify the name. Going back along Dunmanus Bay r 
one passes Kilcrohane Church and Castle, a pillar stone, and the 
promontory fort of Dooneen. 

Dooneen, Foillmore (O.S. 138). — There is a typical, well- 
preserved, fortified headland over Dunmanus Bay. An old, fear- 
fully steep and rough road leads from Collack through Glanalin to 
Kilcrohane. To either side of it lie a ring fort and another galldn; 
the traditional site of the " O Daly's seminary 7 is not far away. 
Names like Caher and Gurtnakilla are found. 

I regret that its great distance from Bantry (whether past Gou- 
ladoo or Durrus) and the rough, steep roads were insuperable to 
me on two occasions, but this only affects the measurements. 
Dooneen is very well seen across the bay, and I have seen it, and 
indeed every bush and sea-gull on the earthwork, from Doonleen 
and another point on the Schull peninsula 58 with strong field- 
glasses, clear air and light. At each place I found a person who 
knew it well and described it without prompting. The high mound 
and fosse are curved, and bushes grow on the former; inside is a 
level garth with long grassy slopes down to the cliffs. The rampart, 
T was told, was "about as high as a man," very steep, " cut by a 
gap, with a high narrow roadway, only wide enough for a cart to go 

58 Proc. B. I. Acad., vol. xxxii, p. 278. 

Mate XVII] 

[To face page 106 



'inside across the ditch, " which was "about as deep " as the mound 
was high — i.e., 5 ft. to 6 ft., making the rampart 10 ft. to 12 ft. 
high in all. Near it is a small, low peninsula, with little headlands 
and creeks, Reenanattin (furze point), Coosabriste (broken creek), 
Carrignagappul, Cooshaneagh (called from horses), and Murkogh. 
The fort is near Foillmore cliff, and is locally called " the Island 
of Dooneen," a not unusual term for such forts in Counties Mayo, 
Clare, Kerry, Cork, and especially Waterford. 

East from it there seem to be no antiquities till we reach Ross- 
more Castle, near which (O.S. 130) is a large ring fort with a 
fosse, on Brahalish, about 160 ft. across. Another fairly large hill 
fort in Cummer, and a smaller one, are much defaced. Across the 
creek we see the fort at Blair's Cove. 

Coulcoulaghta, Blair's Cove (O.S. 130). — To the south of the 
stream creek leading to Durrus village is a little inlet called "Blair's 
Cove." The angle of its headland is strongly entrenched. By an 
old over-grown avenue or laneway and a shingly beach, covered on 
my visit with huge brown jellyfish, we reach the fort. There seems 
no trace of an outer ring. The garth has nearly disappeared by 
the crumbling of the drift bank, which caps the low rocks, as at 
Drumclough. Indeed, the south-west " horn " is on the edge of 
the cliff. The mounds and fosse are practically intact, and the 
long reefs show that they once defended a long headland. The 
sides of the rampart and fosse are so nearly perpendicular that we 
could only reach the summit by climbing up two strangely gnarled 
beech trees, growing on the sheltered side of the mound. Some 
hollies also flourish in the deep shelter. The fosse is 9 ft. to 12 ft. 
deep, 12 ft. wide below, 21 ft. at the field level. The mound rises 
16 ft. to 18 ft. high over it, and is 8 ft. wide on top and 6 ft. to 8 ft. 
over the garth, which was hidden in deep bracken on our visit. 
The large scale maps show a little mound inside the garth, on the 
very edge of the crumbling cliff. Even had there been no conceal- 
ing bracken it had been dangerous (as at Dunsorske) to measure to 
the edge. The works are about 118 ft. round the base in the fosse, 
and (judging from the maps) the garth is only about 95 ft. long 
and barely 50 ft. deep. Fine views of the fort can be obtained 
across the cove and near the pier of the pyrites mine. The fort, 
of course, commands an extended view down Dunmanus Bay. 

There are several forts and galldns between Durrus and 
Bantry, 59 but only one hill fort calls for description. It is on a low 
hill, Dromataniheen, N.E. from Durrus and overhanging the Four 
Mile Water. It is nearly circular, about 120 ft. across the garth and 
200 ft. over all. Round the outer ring is the usual slight hollow, 
evidently not a fosse. The ring is 24 ft. thick, 6 ft. wide on top r 

59 For a paper by Capt. Francis O'Neill on some of these pillars 
see Cork Hist, and Arch. Soc, vol. xx of ser. ii, p. 204. 


5 ft. above the field, 9 ft. over the fosse. The latter is 25 ft. wide 
at the level of the ring and 9 ft. wide below. The inner rampart 
is from 15 ft. to 18 ft. high to the south and east, and 10 ft. to 12 ft. 
to the north-west. Many bushes and dwarf trees grow on it. It is 
about 10 ft. wide on top and over 5 ft. above the garth. It com- 
mands a magnificent view over the village and woods for the entire 
length of Dunmanus Bay, with the dark hills to either side, and 
the promontory fort of Doonagh, in Dunbeacon, standing out dark 
and conspicuous on the yellow cliff above the reefs of its wasted 
headland. 60 Only the south segment of the outer ring exists. 

Little more remains for me to do but to give a few addenda 
towards the completion of this survey. Then (so far as my know- 
ledge extends) every known site of a promontory fort and every 
point where a fort name occurs on the coasts of three provinces 
have been noted and nearly everyone visited and described. As I 
write these lines, the news of the death of Dr. George U. Mac- 
namara (so long my friend and fellow- worker) has reached me. 
I can only record his last kind assistance in this district and my 
deep regret. I have also to thank Professor Macalister, Colonel 
Stacpoole, and Captain FitzPatrick for photographic and other 
help, and Mr. John Power for certain field notes. 

My survey may appeal to but few antiquaries in Ireland; the 
subject does not lend itself to " popular " treatment. Yet it is 
most important for Irish archaeology that such field work should 
be done. 61 Even before the War the Government refused us such 
help as they freely gave to the antiquaries of Great Britain for 
making lists of antiquities for each county. Should Irish Societies 
shirk this onerous duty, the true interests of our archaeology must 
be wrecked. 

Fortunately the Royal Society of Antiquaries has never for- 
gotten the needs which it was founded to meet. They are as acute 
now as in 1849, when the Kilkenny Association was first assembled. 
We can only wonder that so many persons professing sentimental 
love for the past of Ireland do not see their way to support the 
Society that for seventy years has made the proper recording of 
that past its only object and ambition. 


Duntr agha , Co. Mayo (supra xliv., p. 325). — Correct the map 
name " Duntraneen " properly Dun traighin, " Fort of the little 
strand." Professor McNeill found the name as Dun tragha, of 

60 Proc. B. I. Acad., vol. xxxii, pp. 249 sqq. 

61 1 must refer to the excellent surveys of the Galway Archaeological 
Society for various districts most useful and deserving of the highest 
praise. I fear the work of the North Munster Society is for the present 


the strand!; so we find " Duntraue " on Bald's Map of Mayo, 
1813. (See Proc. R. I. Acad., xxxi. (2), p. 20, (3) p. 18.) 

Dungoora, Go. Galway (supra xlix., p. 179). — A remarkable 
headland, near Kinvarra, defended by a curved fosse and mounds, 
with a ring fort and a sunken way to the creek inside. I cannot 
find any trace of a fort (as alleged) round the natural platform of 
Dungoora Castle. 

George's Head, " Ceann Foirchig," Co. Clare (supra xliii., 
p. 347; xliv., p. 336; and N. Muns tor Arch. #oc, iii., pp. 165-6). — 
By some grievous confusion, undetected by me, several gross errors 
have crept into the texts; " 650 ft." is only the upper reach of the 
works. In the lower reach the details are rightly given, making 
300 ft. in all. The total length is about 975 ft. The little ring 
works on the ridge are undoubtedly disc barrows, being slightly 
rounded mounds with fosses, each with an outer ring. The 
southern 47 ft. or 82 ft. over all, the northern 36 ft. and 64 ft. over 
all, they are 30 ft. apart. 

Rochestown, Co. Cork (O. S. 137). — On the edge of Roches- 
town, next Glanivirane, is a small headland, fenced with a straight 
fosse, E. and! W., with inner and outer mounds. The apparent 
fosse on a projection, to the west, in Glanivirane, is, I find, the 
hollow of a little brook. (See Appendix D, p. 114, infra.) 

Minane Island (O.S. 137a). — It resembles Gouladoo, having a 
very narrow neck, but has no fort name or apparent remains of 
works. It calls for closer examination than I could give it. 

Poer Head, Co. Cork (Proc. R. I. Acad., xxxii., p. 103). — A 
second visit in 1917, coinciding with an extensive cliff fire, dis- 
covered a western late bastion to the outer works, previously 
hidden by dense furze. 

Ballyrobin, Co. Cork (O.S. 100). — On the cliffs, about a mile 
eastward from I3allycrovane Bay, we find a streamlet down a deep 
gully in the drift clay. In the angle is a fenced platform, 3 ft. 
higher than the field and about 40 ft. to 50 ft. either way, covered 
with violets and vetches. Many large slabs are in the modern 
fences.. A low rocky shore protects the clay cliff from the sea. 

Knockadoon Warren (O.S. 78). — Failing to find) any fort at 
Knockadoon Head, I examined the cliffs in Knockadoon Warren, 
some three miles westward!. There (like Ballyrobin, Bally trasna, 
and Dooneenmacotter), in the angle of a stream gully, I found a 
platform fort. It is fenced by a curved fosse, through which a 
lane runs to the shore and rabbit warren. The bank on the land- 
ward side was cut back to widen the passage. The platform was 
revetted with small dry stonework round the sides for 10 ft. to 12 
ft. high. Patches still remain to the N.E. and N. ; the scarp is well 
marked to the west. There are traces of a wall round the plat- 


form; the enclosure is much dug up and measures 54 ft. to 70 ft, 
across, being oval. Mr. Eaughan (an old resident) remembered 
most of the stonework intact. Old people in his boyhood called it 
The Doon "■; no traditions even then survived. It commands a 
fine view of the cliffs, with Ballycotton Lighthouse and islands. 


Dunboy Castle. — Even apart from any claim to represent Bui's 
Fortress, the historic interest of the Castle of the Sullivans is too 
great to pass it by in silence. It and the flight of its lord, Domhnall 
O Sullivan Beare, with his diminishing band, from Glengariff to 
the North and thence to Spain are the crowning point of the 

Second Sorrow " of the long wars of Elizabeth in Munster. 
The building, like Castle Dermot, may have been built by 
Diarmait, the O Sullivan Beare, between 1470 and 1500, to judge 
from its scanty remains. Sir Owen admitted an English garrison 
during the Desmond Rebellion (1579-82). Despite of this com- 
plaisance, he was arrested by the Government, with his brother 
Dermot and his nephew Donall (son of another Domnall), who had 
driven the English out of Bantry and checked the O 1 Donovans,, 
who had been sent to ravage Beare. 62 Sir Owen and his relations 
were spared and soon released. Then the usual family quarrel 
began; Donall claimed the chiefry against his uncle and com- 
menced a long lawsuit in 1593. He won his suit, and Sir Owen 
was " placated " with Bantry. The English (as so often) had 
bought off their enemies at the cost of their friends, 63 and Sir Owen 
died in obscurity at Carriganassy, his son and namesake succeeding 
to his faded fortunes. Fate was, however, preparing to ruin the 
one family and restore the other. 

The Spaniards were entrenched at Kinsale, Hugh Roe O Neill 
was marching to their aid, and all Munster was boiling with de- 
ferred hopes and unsatisfied revenge for "the Desmond slaughter.'" 
So Domnall could not resist the temptation of another blow at his 
hated foes. " Donald O' Solivan of Bearhaven, Co. Cork, alias 
O Solivan Beere, with other malefactors, on 26th December, 1601, 
at Bearehaven, with banners displayed in the open field, as an 
adherent to the arch-traitor, Hugh Earl of Tirone, and other rebels, 
joined himself to the Spaniards, who lately invaded this kingdom 
of Ireland." 64 He appointed a trusty adherent, Richard I'Goghe- 

62 The English speak with grave horror of the narrow passages among 
the rocks of Beare where troops could only scramble with great diffi- 
culty and in single file. 

63 " All Ireland cannot rule this man — Then this man shall rule all 
Ireland " ! 

64 Inq. Chancery No. 1, James I. The rest from Pacata Eibernia, 
vol. iii, ch. vii, viii, and Cat. Carew MSS. (1601-3), pp. 225, 242, 251, 
256, 548, 565. 


gane, to command at Dunboy, apparently leaving Castle Dermot 
derelict, but holding Dursey Castle as a last resort. The Sulli- 
vans, in touch with foreign traders and visitors, had early realized 
the importance of artillery (unlike the people of Limerick and Clare 
in 1580) ; so far back as 1549 their chief, Dermot, had lost his life 
in an explosion, of gunpowder. They munitioned Dunboy abun- 
dantly and armed it with twelve Spanish guns and Dursey with 
three. They secured Spanish artillerists, 65 and strengthened the 
peel tower with outworks. It had a barbican 16 ft. high, faced 
with sods and faggots 24 ft. thick, leaving a sunken space for a 
counter battery. 66 . Prom want of experience, however, they left 
this space only 6 ft. or 8 ft. wide. When the English saw the mis- 
take, they fired on the peel tower alone, rendering the outworks 
untenable from flying debris. Carew (as we have already noted) 
had a camp on a headland in Killovenoge, south of Bantry Bay, 
whence he sent Lord Wilmot and the Earl of Thomond with a 
force, which landed by night on Beare Island. Very briefly need 
I note how the Irish concentrated themselves in fortifying the 
obvious landing place while the English landed at another point. 
They successively seized Donghe Irish, a platform, near the Cat 
Rocks, and by June 10th, 1602, had two guns bearing on the Castle. 
I may note that their taking the roof timbers from Killaconeenagh 
Church for gun emplacements seems to imply a scarcity of large 
timber. At last, on the 17th, the heavy artillery began to fire on 
the Castle, and, in four hours, the S.W. turret and the west wall 

Then the garrison offered to surrender on terms, but, unfor- 
tunately, as in other ill-disciplined bands, someone fired one of 
the cannon on the English camp, where their envoy was negotiating, 
so the English hanged him and stormed the ruin. The Irish were 
driven into the eastern part, then the top of the tower was taken, 
and the garrison only held the vaults. Next day Mac Goghegan 
was badly wounded, and the command devolved on Thomas Taylor, 
who, in desperation, sat with a lighted match beside nine barrels 
of powder ready to blow up the whole unless quarter was given. 
Carew was not tender of enemies' lives, and desired nothing more 
than the ruin of the Castle. He had given the Spaniards an option 
of surrender, and they had refused; so he opened a new battery 
and fired on the shattered tower relentlessly. Then 23 men stole 
out and surrendered, then 48, but they found that Taylor was right 
and were reserved for a slower death. Indeed, Taylor's threat was 
nearly carried out by the dying Mac Goghegan as the English 

65 After the fall of Kinsale, Don Juan Aguila offered to take Dunboy 
for the English. The latter, however, "wished to see his heels."* 
Carew tried to get the Spaniards at Dunboy to surrender and save 
themselves, but they were true to O Sullivan and suffered with the 
native garrison. 

66 All the outer earthwork is now removed. 


entered; he was cut down by Captain Power when trying to fire 
the powder. Of the garrison of 143 men only 74 survived, 58 were 
hanged in the market place of Castletown, and 16 were reserved. 
Then eight guns were salved from the ruin, and, on June 22nd, the 
tower was blown up and its base and outworks broken down. Two 
more iron guns, four brass and two broken guns were removed, one 
buried deep in the ruin alone was missing. Taylor, who was among 
the 16 survivors, was tried for the murder of Captain Bingham in 
Sligo, found guilty and hanged, but a friar (taken along with him) 
was spared. On their return journey to Kinsale the English, 
under Downing, dismantled the shore Castles of Lemcon and 
Downing 67 (or Downeen, near Roscarbery), and took over Dun- 
manus, Donegall, Cape Clear, and Rancoliskey. " And the land 
had rest 40 years." 

Passing the fine, modern mansion of the Puxleys 
[burned down since this paper was read (1921)], its woods 
and picturesque demesne, with lovely views of the hills and har- 
bour, we find what remains of the wrecked castle on a rocky knoll, 
in a grove, at the angle of the creek and Bearehaven. The side 
walls, 9 ft. to 10 ft. high, still stand to the north and south. Each 
has a central window with a nearly flat splay arch and broken 
oblong slits. The arches were turned over wicker centres, resting 
on three small beams. The south window is nearly perfect, and 
there are remains of the west light. Oblong ambries remain in 
each end of the side walls ; there is no trace of the vaults ; the base- 
ment is 38 ft. x 24 ft. To either end and to the north were narrow 
spaces or passages (already mentioned during the siege), about 
9 ft. wide, and slight trace of a recess, or garderobe. I saw no 
remains of the staircase. The English did their work well; only 
the core of the barbican wall remains and a slight ditch outside. 
Bushes and long grass prevented my making very accurate external 
measurements. All the walls are 9 ft. thick, and bastions, or 
turrets, project (27 ft.) from the centre of the south and west curtain 
walls and at the N.E 1 . corner; the base of a tower is seen to the 
S.E. There is a stone with five bulldns called " Fairy Basins " 
which I could not find. 


Continuation of List of Promontory Forts. 

(From supra xlii:., p. 322.) 

Co. Mayo. — Add Glenlara (probable site), Dooega, Bunafahy, 
and Dooneenyglas, near Killeries. 

67 Described Proc. B. I. Acad., vol. xxxii, p. Ill, p. 266, pi. xxiii. 
Views of both are given. 


Co. Gal way. — Add Dungoora North. 

Co. Clare. — Add Duneeva, Illaunaglas, near Tullig (probable); 
Caherlisaniska, Iffernan Lake. 

Co. Kerry. — Trace of another fort in Clashmelchon; Doony- 
coovaun, near Ferriter's Castle (probable); Ballymore, in Ventry 
(possible). The numbers of the series in former list is inaccurate 
for Kerry. 

Co. Cork. — 1, Doonagh; 2, Cloghfune Bock Fort; 3, JDooneen 
Cloghfune; 4, Billyragh (probable); 5, Ilanebeg, Dursey Island; 
6, Doonroe (Black Ball); 7, Dooneen Garranes; 8, Dunboy; 9, 
Doonagall; 10, Doonbeg; 11, Clonaghlin (perhaps); these three on 
Beare Island. Bantry Group — 12, Dromclough; 13, Killovenoge; 

14, Gouladoo; 15, Dooneen Foillmore. Schull Promontory — 16, 
Blair's Cove; 17, Doonagh in Dunbeacon; 18, Knockeen Castle; 
19, Dunkelly; 20, Dunleen; 21, Dunlough, Three Castle Head; 22, 
Oughtminnee; 23, Dunlea; 24, Lemcon Castle. Islands — 25, 
Dooneen (Calf Island); 26, Doonthomais; 27, Dunanore Castle and 
28, Port (three in Cape Clear Island) ; 29, Carrigadoona ; 30, Faill- 
nalour; 31, Dermot's Island; 32, Dunalong Castle (four in Sherkin) , 
South Coast — 33, Dooneendermotmore ; 34, Coosdergadoona ; 35, 
Portadoon Seobane; 36, Einn Point; 37, Carrigillihy ; 38, Downeen 
Castle; 39, Dunoure Castle; 40, Dundeady (Galley Head); 41, 
Dunowen Castle; 42, Dunacohig (Dunnycove); 43, Coosbuy; 44, 
Dunworley Castle; 45, Portadooneen ; 46, Bochestown; 47, Dun- 
cermna (Old Head); 48, Sovereign Eock; 49, Coosadoona (prob- 
able); 50, Little Doon; 51, Big Doon (both in Kinure); 52, Dun- 
boige, Boches' Castle; 53, Dunsorske; 54, Dun Poer Castle; 55, 
Eobinstown; 56, Dooneenmacotter ; 57, Ballytrasna; 58, Knocka- 
doon Warren (58 in all). 

Co. Waterford. — 1, Ardoginna; 2, Cooshaneimme ; 3, Einan- 
illane; 4, Ballingarry (Mine Head); 5, Island Hubbock; 6, Bally- 
voony; 7, Spur; 8, Site near last (possibly); 9, Illaun Brie, 
Dane's Island; 10, Cashel, shore rock (possibly) 68 ; 11, Dunabrat- 
tin; 12, Annestown; 13, Dunhill; 14, Woodtown (Green Island); 

15, Kilfarrasy " Island "; 16, Island Ikane; 17, Illaunchoite, Gar- 
rarus; 18, Westtown; 19, Cooshliamgowell, Coolum; 20, Eath- 
moylan (Swine's Head); 21, Dunmore or Shanooan (21 in all). 


Co. Wexford. — 1, Nook (perhaps " Dundomhnaill "); 2, Bagin- 
bun; 3, Carrick Castle. 

Co. Wicklow. — 1, Dunbur; 2, Black Castle. 

Co. Dublin. — 1, Great Baily, Howth (two works and a citadel); 

68 Ballymoe and Slippery Island should be examined. 


2, Dun Crimthann; 3, Drumanagh (long " straight " work, three 
fosses); 4, Garden Fort (Lambay). 69 

Totals. — Sligo, 1, perhaps 2; Mayo, 36; Galway, 7 (Connacht, 
46); Clare, 20 to 22; Kerry, 42 to 44; Cork, about 58; Waterford, 
19 to 21 (Munster, 135 to 145); Wexford, 3; Wicklow, 2; Dublin, 
4 or 5 (Leinster, 9 to 10). Forts in the three more southern pro- 
vinces number from 192 to 198. 

An Undescribed Promontory Fort, Rochestown, Co. Cork. 

Passing through the wrecked coastguard station of Glanivirane, 
we come out on a low but picturesque range of cliffs and stacks, 
terminating in steep grassy slopes, along Courtmacsherry Bay. 
Reaching the little observatory, we see high mounds at the cliff, 
which prove to* be those of a small, but very strong, fortification, 
across a short headland. The ends of the outer fosse are intact 
at the cliff, but, as so often, the deep drift cap has crumbled, 
destroying the ends of the steep mounds. There is no gang- 
way; the works are straight, above 50' feet long, consisting of 
two mounds, each with a fosse outside. There is no outer mound 
to the first fosse, which is 8 feet to 9 feet deep, below the field, 
9 feet wide in the bottom, and 16 feet at the field level. Its side 
and those of the mounds are so exceptionally steep (like those at 
Blair's Cove 70 ) as to have probably been stone-faced. The outer 
mound beyond the fosse is 15 to 18 feet high, only 3 feet 
wide on top, and 26 feet at the base. A slight banquette or ledge 
along the eastern part of the back is about 3 feet below the 
summit and 15 feet over the inner fosse, and rarely over 3 feet wide, 
like those at Scobaun fort, 71 near Castletownsend, and Drumanagh, 
Co. Dublin. The next fosse is of the same dimensions and depth 
as the outer one; the inmost mound also rises 15 feet to 18 feet 
above it. A spring of water in it fosters a coarse growth of weeds 
and hemlock, while the other banks are rich gardens of crimson 
heather, furze, white campion, primroses and violets and blue 
sheep -bit. The inner mound rises level with the outer qne, and 
is, like it, 6 feet thick on top and 27 feet at the base; it is 9 feet 
higher than the inner headland, and is not terraced. There are 
no hut sites visible inside, and the south (seaward) face of the 
headland is grassy. There are shingle beaches and small caves 
to either side and stacks crowded with cormorants. The outlook 
is extensive; the Old Head of Kinsale, with its two surviving 

69 A fine example; two curved fosses 9 ft. to 13 ft. (5 ft. deep), and 7 ft. 
to 36 ft. wide, 12 ft. deep. Rampart, 15 ft. wide between; inner wall 
9 ft., stonework removed; 57 ft. to 60 ft. behind a third fosse, 9 ft. to 
15 ft. wide, 6 ft. deep. 

70 Proc. B. Soc. Ant., supra, p. 107. 

71 Proc. B. I. A., vol. xxxii., p. 285. 


turrets; the dark rocks at Garristown Strand, where, in 1816, the 
" Boadicea " was lost with nearly 150 men, and a nearer un- 
fortified head are seen eastward. To the west, across Courtmac- 
sherry Bay, lie the Seven Heads. I did not see any entrench- 
ments at the low sloping head near Lispatrick or on Hake or 
-Black Heads. Inland, I only saw one ring fort, Ballycatteen, 

high above Ballinspiddle. It was an unusually large and fine 
work, two rings, 6 feet to 10 feet, over the field, steep and bushy, 
with a deep fosse between; the grassy garth is about 200 feet in 
diameter, the central fort 250 feet, and the whole about 400 feet 
over all. 

Corrigendum. — Supra XLVIIL, p. 16, line 14 — Baginbun. — 
After " 70 feet long" add—" The fosse is 12 feet wide and 36 feet 
above ; the mounds are 14 to 16 feet high over it, and 5 feet over 
the field inside. The inner fort on the eastern headland is curved. 
Its works measure, at the northern cliff — the outer mound 30 feet 
thick at base and 15 feet high. It has a terrace behind it for 
-50 feet and 12 feet thick and 8 above the fosse. The latter 
is 12 feet wide below, but widens greatly to the south; the inner 
mound is 40 feet thick and 13 to 15 feet high. At the southern 
•end they vary greatly." " The outer mound," &c, as in text. 


GOMERY, circa 1100. 

By E. Curtis, m.a., Professor of History, t.c.d., 

[Read 24 May, 1921.] 

The marriage of Arnulf de Montgomery, Lord of Pembroke B 
though of no immediate consequence to the history of Ireland,, 
has a certain bearing on the later Norman conquest, and in any 
case makes a story worth the telling. 

The contemporary sources for the story are : the Ecclesiastical 
History of Ordericus Vitalis, the Welsh chronicle Brut y Tywyso- 
gion, the Heimshringla and Orkney inga sagas, and the Irish 
annals and other records. 

Of the three Earldoms of Chester, Shrewsbury and Hereford, 
which William the Conqueror planted on the Welsh borders, that 
of Shrewsbury was given to Roger de Montgomery. The three 
earls warred on the Welsh as the Normans did later on the Irish, 
and the Brut records in 1091, " Rhys ap Tewdwr, king of S. 
Wales, was killed by the French who inhabited Breichiniog, and 
then fell the kingdom of the Britons." 

Roger de Montgomery died in 1094, leaving several sons, 
viz. : — Hugh, who became Earl of Shrewsbury, Robert, called 
de Belesme from his Norman estates, Arnulf, and two others. 

Magnus, King of Norway, grandson of Harald Hardrada, now 
revived the viking terror by appearing in southern waters. " He 
was a man easily known; he had a red surcoat over his byrny, and 
his hair, silky flaxen, fell over his shoulders." Magnus aspired 
to revive the Norse empire over the Hebrides, Man and the Irish 
coast. Sailing south in 1098, he took captive Logman, son of 
Gudrid, king of Man. He then sailed to Bretland (Wales), and 
at Diganwy, opposite Conway, encountered the two earls, Hugh 
of Shrewsbury and Hugh lupus (" the wolf ") of Chester, who 
were prepared for a Norse invasion. The Normans were on land, 
the vikings at sea; and Magnus, by a lucky shot, slew mail-clad 
Hugh of Shrewsbury with an arrow through the eye. Thereupon 
the Norman force retreated (July, 1098). 

It was during his viking expedition that Magnus won his nick- 
name " barfod " or "bareleg." Heimskringla says: " So say 
men that when Magnus came back from his west-viking he held 
much to the fashion of raiment that was wont in Westland 


(Ireland), and many of his men likewise would go barelegged in 
the street and had short kirtles and overcloaks, so then men called 
him Magnus Bareleg." 

Magnus, in short, was one of the first of those sympathetic 
foreigners who have appeared so often in Ireland and wore as the 
token of his feelings the Gaelic kilt. Moreover, a poem of his, 
addressed to an Irish sweetheart, is still extant. 1 

After his great exploit in slaying Hugh of Shrewsbury, the 
Orkneyinga saga goes on to say that Magnus got as bride for his 
son Sigurd, " Biad-mynia, daughter of King Myrkiartan, son of 
Thialn, king of the Irish who ruled over Connacht. Sigurd 
was then nine winters old and the maiden five." We will revert 
to these statements later. 2 

Robert de Belesme, now head of the Montgomery family, 
was now made Earl of Shrewsbury, purchasing the earldom from 
William Rufus for £3,000. This Robert has one of the worst 
names in English history, and his cold-blooded cruelties, inflicted 
on the Welsh, the Anglo -Saxons, and even his own kinsmen, are 
related with horror by Ordericus and William of Malmesbury. 
More than any of the barons of his time, he hated royal autho- 
rity, and aimed at being in England as in Normandy a sovereign 
prince in his own estates. He was a skilful castle-builder, and 
his gifts of diplomacy, generalship, and cool courage made him 
the most dangerous foe of the new Anglo-Norman monarchy. 

On the accession of Henry I. (August, 1100) Robert conceived 
that this was likely to be too stern a master, and, along with his 
brothers, of whom Arnulf was most prominent, and William de 
Warenne Earl of Surrey, he planned to bring over Robert Duke 
of Normandy, who had just returned from Crusade, and whose 
claim to England against his younger brother was maintained by 
most of the baronage. " They dreaded," says Ordericus, " the 
firmness of King Henry, and preferred the inactive government 
of the imbecile Duke Robert, who gave them licence for their evil 
deeds." 3 

Robert planned a general revolt, and won over to 
his alliance Iorwerth ap Bleddyn and others of the leading 

1 Translated by Dr. Sigerson in his Bards of Gael and Gall, p. 73. 
The Saga of Earl Rognvald records that a viking Kali, while at 

Grimsby, in England, met a man with the Gaelic name of Gillekrist, 
who said his true name was Harald, and that Magnus Bareleg was his 
father and his kinsmen were some of them in Ireland, some in the 
Western Isles. (Orkneyinga Saga, Rolls Series, Dasent, p. 97.) 

2 Heimskringla, Saga Library, Vol. III. Transl. Magnusson. 

As Biadmynia is not mentioned by name in Irish annals, we can 
only conjecture her name was, a not uncommon one, Bean-Mumhan — 
i.e., Lady of Munster — possibly Blath-Mumhan " Flower of Munster." 

3 Orderici Vitalis Ecclesiastica Historia. Ed. Le Prevot (Paris, 
1838), Bk. X., Ch. XVIII., Anno 1101. See Bohn's Transl, Vol. III., 
p. 277. 



Welsh of S. Wales. Robert had enfeoffed his brother Arnulf 
with Pembroke, part of the land of Dyfed, and Arnulf's chief 
man there was Gerald of Windsor, son of Walter fltz Otho, an- 
cestor of the Geraldines of Kildare and Desmond. Gerald, be it 
noted, was half Welsh, for his father had married Gladys, 
daughter of Rhiwallon ap Cynvyn Prince of N. Wales. Gerald 
himself married the famous Nesta, daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr 
Prince of S. Wales, the ancestress of most of the first conquerors 
of Ireland. 

In 1095, Arnulf gave to Gerald the stewardship of his castle 
of Pembroke. The allies now thought of enlisting against Henry 
the aid of the Irish, and, says the Brut in 1100, Gerald the 
Steward was sent by Arnulf into Ireland to demand for Arnulf 
the hand of the daughter of " Murcard King of Ireland." Her 
hand was secured, and Murcard sent a fleet of armed ships along 
with her. 4 

Murcard of the Brut was, of course, Murchertach O'Brien, 
Ard Ri of Ireland. Heimskringla calls him " Myrkiartan, son of 
Thialfi." He was son of Toirdelbhach (Thialfi), and therefore 
great-grandson of the famous Brian. Beginning to reign in 
Munster in 1086, he found a stubborn opponent in Domnall Mac 
Lochlainn of Ailech, but by this time he had fairly asserted the 
over-lordship which his race had held since 1000 a.d. Robert 
de Belesme in this marriage alliance with Murchertach showed 
that he regarded him as supreme King of Ireland. 

Ordericus also states that Arnulf married the daughter of 
" the King of Ireland," whom he does not name, but he calls the 
lady " Lafracoth," and says that through her Arnulf aspired to 
win the kingdom of his father-in-law. The Norman adventurers 
already had the idea of a conquest of Ireland through an Irish 
marriage. 5 De Belesme further sought for help from Magnus. 
This widespread alliance infuriated King Henry so that he swore 
to root Robert's whole race and kindred out of his dominions. 

Gerald's visit to Ireland must have been late in 1100 — i.e., 
after Henry's accession: when exactly the marriage or betrothal 
took place we do not know, but in 1100 Murchertach evidently 
considered Arnulf his son-in-law. 6 

It was now that Magnus appeared again in the Irish Sea, 

4 Brut y Tywysogion, R. S., ed. J. W. Ab Ithel. 

5 Ernuljus filiam Begis Hiberniae nomine Lafracoth uxorem hdbuit 
per quam soceri sui regnum obtinere concupivit. Ordericus, Bk. X. 
Cap. XVIII. Bonn III. P. 338. 

As Lafracoth and her marriage are not mentioned in Irish annals, 
we are in the dark as to the meaning and correct Gaelic form of her 

6 In the Letters of Irish Bishops and Princes (Veterum epist. Hib. 
Sylloge), preserved by Ussher and published in 1632, is one from 
Murchertach to Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, thanking the- 
latter for his prayers " on my behalf, a sinner, and also because thou 


and from Man sent over to Ireland to ask for the hand of 
Murchertach's daughter (called Biad-mynia in Heimskringla) for 
his young son Sigurd. The Brut says, to emphasise the im- 
portance of the marriage " for he (Murcard) was the chiefest of 
the Irish (Gwydyl) " and goes on that Magnus " joyfully ob- 
tained " his request, and set up that son to be King of Man. As 
the Four Masters, however, state that it was in 1102 when 
Murchertach gave his daughter to Sigurd, we may conclude that 
the High King deferred the request of Magnus, made at this 
time and earlier (1098-9), and did not send Sigurd his bride till 

In vain did Robert de Belesme tempt the powerful King of 
Norway to join his confederacy. The feudal rebels prepared for 
a stubborn resistance, but the whole movement failed through the 
feebleness of Duke Robert of Normandy himself, who landed at 
Portsmouth in August, 1101, and marched on London, but at 
Alton treated with his brother, and sold his claims to the English 
crown for a pension of three thousand marks per annum. 

The Montgomeries were thus left to face the fate of rebels. 
Robert de Belesme was summoned to stand his trial before the 
Curia Regis, but prepared for war, while Arnulf mustered the 
Welsh allies and the armed forces whom Murchertach had sent 
with his bride. But King Henry captured the Montgomery 
castles in England, and finally took Bridgenorth (1102). The 
King had, however, to restrain his wrath, for his barons would 
not allow too severe a punishment on one of their own caste, and 
Robert de Belesme was allowed to expatriate himself to Nor- 
mandy, where he spent the rest of his days. 

Henry next required Arnulf, the most vigorous of Robert's 
brothers, either to quit the kingdom and follow his brother " or 
be at his will with his head in his lap. When Arnulf heard that, 
he was most desirous of going after his brother, and so he de- 
livered his castle (Pembroke) to the King, who put a garrison 
into it. " (Brut). 

Thus fell the Montgomery lordship in Wales and its Marches. 
We have clear proof that Arnulf spent a good deal of the rest 
of his life — an aimless one — in his native Normandy, but he was 
also to be found in Ireland. 

has intervened [with King Henry] on behalf of my son-in-law 
Arnulf." In this, Murchertach styles himself Bex Hiberniae; evidently 
he regards Arnulf as his son-in-law by lawful marriage, and was then 
at least his close friend. The date of the letter (No. XXXV.) must be 
not earlier than 1102, when the Montgomeries were overthrown — pro- 
bably Arnulf was then a refugee with his father-in-law, who thu3 
sought to have Arnulf restored to his lordship of Pembroke. Ussher does 
not date it. It must in any case be before Anselm's death (1114). Note 
that the Irish annals make no mention at all of this marriage of 
Arnulf with Murchertach's daughter, but in this authentic letter we 
have the High King's confirmation of the fact. 


The end of Magnus Bareleg, like his life, was sudden and aim- 
less, and the circumstances of it by no means clear. Ordericus 
says that he appeared with a fleet off Ireland, and the Irish, struck 
with terror at the king's power, called on the Normans to help 
them. Arnulf and his auxiliaries therefore hastened to their help, 
but the united forces were overawed by Magnus' forces, till 
finally he was inveigled inland and slain. This implies that 
Arnulf was at the time (1102-1103) in Ireland, probably a refugee 
with Murchertach. 

Heimskringla gives a full account in the usual saga fashion, 
We may paraphrase it thus. King Magnus fared west with a great 
host, and after landing in Scotland harried Ireland. Then came 
King Myrkiartan to host with him, and they won Dublin and 
Dublin-shire and Magnus was through the winter up in Con- 
nacht with Myrkiartan. 7 When it was spring the kings fared with 
their hosts into Ulster, and there won the most part of Ulster, 
when Myrkiartan went back home into Connacht. Magnus lay 
off Ulster ready to sail, but they needed timber, so he sent to 
Myrkiartan appointing a day to meet for hewing, viz., the day 
before Bartholomew-mass, but on the eve of that mass Myrkiar- 
tan had not come, so on the Mass-day Magnus went inland with 
most of his host, to seek for his timber-hewers. On the road they 
saw a cloud which might be their hewers or the Irish. Eyvind 
warned the king that the Irish are guileful, but he went on. But 
soon they saw that it was their own men with a great hewing 
which the king of the Irish had sent them, and kept his word 
to Magnus. Then they turned back to the ships — it was mid- 
day — but as they fared over fens, the host of the Irish rushed 
out, many Norsemen fell, a panic set in, and finally Magnus 
himself was slain. He was then only thirty, " nor ever had been 
seen a nobler or more valiant man." 8 

Magnus's death befell on St. Bartholomew's Day, August 
24th, 1103. The facts of the events connected with it seem to be 
best established by our Irish annals. 

Murchertach 's great rival for supremacy in Ireland was 
Domnall Mac Lochlainn of Ailech, who aimed at subjecting 

7 Connacht to the Norsemen meant O'Brien's own kingdom of Mini- 
ster. When Ospak the viking came to the court of Brian (Cenn 
Coradh) before the battle of Clontarf, Njals Saga says " he came to 
Connacht." See War of Gaedhil with the Gaill, E. S., p. clxix. 

8 Heimskringla, Chaps. XXV. and XXVI. Note that the manly 
Norse account, so far from attributing treachery to O'Brien, as 
Ordericus does, distinctly praises him for keeping faith. But who were 
the Irish who rushed out on Magnus' men ? Just local levies of the 
district indignant at the Norsemen's pillaging? I suggest later they 
may have been some of the Cenel Eoghain who had of late triumphed 
over O'Brien, and therefore fell upon his ally also. In any case, no 
ground exists for Ordericus' statement that Magnus was inveigled in- 
land and killed. 


Ulidia, that ancient kingdom east of the Bann, which O'Brien 
naturally interfered to save. Magnus of Norway was a menace 
always on the horizon, and to win him over, Murchertach made 
peace with him for a year, in 1101, says the continuer of Tiger- 
nach. Probably at this time the project of the Sigurd-Biadmynia 
marriage was mooted. Next year, say the Annals of Ulster, 
Magnus went with a large fleet into Man, and a year's peace was 
proclaimed between him and the men of Ireland. In 1102, say the 
Four Masters, Murchertach gave his daughter (finally we suppose) 
to " Sichraidh son of Magnus " with many gifts. Probably before 
this Murchertach had made some attempt to check Magnus, and 
called in Arnulf, but thought it wiser to make terms. 

In 1103 a renewed war between the Ulidians and their over- 
lord Mac Lochlainn brought into the field Murchertach, who was 
backed by the forces of Leinster, Munster, Ossory, Connacht, 
Meath, and the Norse-Irish of Dublin. But after O'Brien had 
taken Armagh and turned east to Dalaraidh, Domnall Mac Loch- 
lainn surprised the confederate army at Moy Cova, near Newry, on 
August 5th, and made a great slaughter of his enemies, in which 
fell Torstan, Paul son of Amand, and other Ostman chiefs, and 
bore away O'Brien's royal tent and banner among his spoils — a 
complete discomfiture of the South. 

The Annals of Ulster follow this immediately by saying that 
Magnus, king of Lochlann, was killed in a foray in Ulidia. The 
Four Masters say, as do the Annals of Loch Ce, that " Magnus, 
king of Lochlann and the Isles, who had contemplated the in- 
vasion of all Ireland, was slain by the Ulidians while on 
a predatory expedition 1103." 

It is not stated by any authority, Irish or Norse, that Magnus 
had joined the confederacy of the four provinces against Cenel 
Eoghain, or that his death had aught to do with it, but, judging 
from a survey of all the records, it seems likely. Magnus was 
Murchertach's ally and Sigurd his son-in-law; with O'Brien's 
army were Norse levies from Dublin, men of Magnus' own speech 
and blood. Such an alliance would appeal to the Norse king. 
Moreover, the date of his slaying (August 24th), not long after 
the battle where Domnall Mac Lochlainn triumphed so gloriously 
(August 5th), suggests that the victorious Cenel Eoghain cut him 
off when his forces were few and far from their ships — not far, 
probably, from the scene of the battle — i.e., about Carlingford 
Loch. It is possible, of course, that after the news of the battle 
he landed, thinking the occasion a good one to harry a country 
which was not expecting a descent of his vikings, and was sur- 
prised and slain by the local Ulidians. 

On the news of Magnus's death, his son Sigurd, who was 
then in the Orkneys, and was only some fourteen years of age, 
fared at once to Norway, and was accepted as king along with 


his elder brothers, Eystein and Olaf. " He left behind him over 
the western sea," says the Orkneyinga Saga, " the daughter of 
the Irish king." This, of course, was Biadmynia, daughter of 
Murchertach, whom apparently he never saw again. She was 
only nine or ten years of age, and probably returned to her 
father's court. We hear no more of this girl-victim of a State 

Sigurd lived to be the famous Sigurd the Crusader, or 

We return, then, to Murchertach and Arnulf, his other son-in- 
law. Where Ordericus continues the story, he is most unflatter- 
ing to the Irish. After Magnus's death, he says: " The Irish 
made a sudden attempt to massacre the Normans . . . their 
king carried off his daughter who was married to Arnulf, and re- 
solved to kill Arnulf himself, but the knight, discerning the ex- 
ecrable frauds of this barbarous people, made his escape to his 
countrymen, and lived for nearly twenty years afterwards with- 
out having any settled abode. At last, in his old age, having 
been reconciled to outward appearance with the king, he married 
the king's daughter, but on the morrow of the nuptials fell asleep 
and shortly after expired." 9 

Here Ordericus, himself a Norman, is far from clear, and is 
certainly biassed. Are we to infer that up to his old age Arnulf 
had lived with Lafracoth in some uncanonical form of marriage, 
since he is said by Ordericus to have married her just before his 
death? Or was Murchertach 's daughter so young (her sister was 
only five when married to Sigurd) that she only became of mar- 
riagable age when Arnulf was advanced in years? Murchertach's 
letters to Anselm, formerly quoted, certainly states that Arnulf 
was his son-in-law before 1114 — i.e., Anselm's death — possibly 
as early as 1102. Probably some fuller and more Roman form of 
marriage took place before Arnulf 's death. 

Let us now continue the story. Once more we hear authen- 
tically of the exiled brother of Robert de Belesme. Ordericus 
says that in 1118, when King Henry was in Normandy, Arnulf 
was instrumental in bringing Fulk, Count of Anjou, into the field. 
Fulk besieged and took Alencon and defeated King Henry. 10 
But thereafter we hear no more of Arnulf. He must have spent 
his time between Ireland and Normandy — a fact suggesting that 
ships passed freely between France and this country. 

After his death, the date of which we cannot place (Ordericus 
would imply before Murchertach's death, March, 1119), we must 
turn again to the history of Pembroke. 

Gerald of Windsor had the good fortune to be pardoned by 
King Henry, and in 1102 was granted by him Pembroke Castle 

9 Bk. XL, Cap. VIII. 10 Bk. XII., Cap. VIII. (Bohn III., p. 462.) 


with all its boundaries. In 1105 Gerald built the castle of Ken- 
arth on the Teivi, where he settled and dwelt with his wife, the 
famous Nesta, daughter of Rhys ap T'ewdwr, by whom he had 
Maurice, destined later to be the first of the Geraldines in 
Ireland. A significant little fact is given us by the Brut at this 
point (1106), which says that when Owain, son of Cadwgan, son 
of Bleddyn, was driven by Gerald out of Dyved he found a ship 
in port at Aberdovey, which had a little before arrived with mer- 
chandise from Ireland, and so got to the court of Murchath, 
supreme King of Ireland," who received him kindly (1106). 

But Gerald of Windsor, though one of the greatest of the 
Norman- Welsh of Pembroke, was not the greatest. In 1109 King 
Henry gave the lands of Cadwgan, father of Owain, in Ceredigion 
(Cardigan), to Gilbert fitzRichard. This was the father of Richard 
Fitz-Gilbert, Earl of Pembroke, commonly called Strongbow. 
Actually, it was Gilbert who bore the alias " Strangbo." Later, 
King Stephen gave Gilbert the title of Earl of Pembroke and 
Striguil. He died in 1148. 

Murchertach himself, High King of Ireland, died in March, 
1119, after an illness of six years, and was buried in the church 
of Cill-da-lua. With him passed away the supremacy of the great 
Dalcassian family. 

Both in himself and in his international position, Murchertach 
was one of the most remarkable of our High Kings. His was a 
real Monarchy over Ireland, not held without a struggle, but 
recognised as such by foreigners as Henry of England, 
Magnus of Norway, Anselm of Canterbury, the Norman Earls, 
and the Princes of Wales. Gregory VII. had written to his father 
as Terdelvacus inclytus Rex Hiberniae; Anselm, Primate of 
England, wrote to Murchertach himself as gloriosus gratia Dei 
rex Hiberniae, and as " vestra celsitudo." This was in connec- 
tion with the Reform movement in the Irish Church, a movement 
to which Murchertach gave the royal patronage, presiding over 
the great Synod of Fiadh Mic Oenghusa in 1111. 

The Annals of Boyle, in recording Murchertach's death, call 
him Ard Ri hErend, praeclarus scientia intellectuali istis tem- 
poribus prae omnibus, and this praise, unusual for a lay prince, 
indicates some unusual refinement in the last great O'Brien king. 

To continue our story, it is asserted by two eminent authori- 
ties that Arnulf left, by Lafracoth, a daughter, Alice, and that 
she was later the wife of Maurice fitzGerald, son of the above 
Gerald of Windsor. 11 By this Maurice, one of the first con- 

11 Earls of Kildare, p. 10. Sir William Betham's " Pedigree of the 
Fitzgeralds " in Journal of Hist. & Arch. Soc, Ireland, 1868-9, p. 460, 
based on O'Clery, Mac Firbis, O'Daly, and Kussell, states that 
Maurice married Alice, daughter of Arnulf and Lafracoth. I have 
not been able to trace the statement to its source. 


querors of Ireland, who died in 1176, she was mother of 
Gerald (died 1205), who laid the fortunes of the FitzGeralds of 
Kildare. Alice herself was living in 1171, and was then in 
Ireland with her husband and sons. At what date she was born 
we have no information, but her son Gerald was a full-grown man 
and gallant warrior in 1171, when he took part in the battle 
against Ruaidhri O'Connor outside Dublin. If Gerald was then 
thirty, and was born in 1140 or so, we may presume his mother, 
Alice, was born in or later than 1110. 

The marriage of Maurice with Alice, daughter of Arnulf and 
Lafracoth, and thus grand-daughter of a High King of Ireland, 
has nothing improbable in it. No legal record of it exists, so far 
as we know, but then its date is one before the careful keeping 
of State and family records begins in the age after Stephen. Such 
Geraldine pedigrees as those of O'Clery and Mac Firbis begin 
straight away with Maurice, the first of his race in Ireland, and 
say nothing as to his wife and her ancestry; and Russell and 
O'Daly, though they mention the Tuscan and Cambrian 
descent, do not touch on the O'Brien blood of the Geraldines. 
The story of their Florentine ancestry had become firmly rooted 
by 1440, as we see in the correspondence between the seigniory of 
Florence and Desmond, and later Kildare, in 1440, and again 
1507. And yet an ancestral connection with Brian Borumha, and 
so with Ailill Olum, through Lafracoth, would, to the Irish, have 
far outshone these foreign distinctions. The genealogical col- 
lections began late, however, after the FitzGeralds had become 
national heroes, and in any case our pedigree-makers commonly 
ignored the female side. 12 

This is good, if not final evidence, then, that Arnulf did leave 
a daughter by Lafracoth, his Irish bride. This daughter, Alice, 
de Montgomery, afterwards married Maurice, son of Gerald of 
Windsor, and was ancestress of all our Irish Geraldines. 

The Montgomery-O'Brien alliance had its effects on our his- 
tory. The connections of Ireland in trade, church matters, 
diplomacy, &c, with Wales, England and Europe were ever-grow- 
ing. From this time, Ireland, rich at hand and politically un- 
stable, was in the minds of the restless and greedy Norman race. 
Arnulf 's design that, through an Irish marriage, he might become 
master of Ireland was remembered among the Norman-Welsh of 
Pembroke, and, if his attempt failed, fifty years later that of 
Strongbow succeeded. 

12 See the following Senchus Oeraltach (from O'Clery's Pedigrees), 
Hist. & Arch. Soc. of Ireland, Journal, 1880, p. 215. Russell's Relatio 
Geraldinorum (1638), published in Hist. & Arch. Soc, &c, X., p. 361. 
Dominic O'Daly's Initium . . . Geraldinorum, trans. C. P. Meehan. 
O'Donovan's copy of Mac Firbis' Pedigrees (R. I. A.). Gilbert's 
Viceroys, pp. 335 and 473. 

Plate XVIII] 

[To face page 125 


By Henry S. Crawford, m.r.i.a., Fellotv. 

[Eead 28 September, 1920.] 

The little church of Cannistown or Ardsallagh is situated in the 
parish of the latter name on the west side of the Boyne, about 
three miles south of Navan and close to the railway from Dublin. 
It is interesting as an example of the Early English style simplified 
and adapted to a building of small dimensions ; and though it has 
unfortunately suffered much injury, enough remains to repay a 
careful examination. 

Little seems to be known of its history ; the Eev. Anthony 
Cogan, CO., has collected almost all the available information. 1 
He says, referring to Ardsallagh : — 

A monastery called Escair-Brannain was erected in this 
romantic and charming locality by St. Finian, the celebrated 
founder of Clonard, in the sixth century. 2 The records of this 
house have long been lost, and not a trace remains of either 
abbey or church. After the Anglo-Norman invasion the 
family of de Angulo or Nangle became possessed of Ard- 
sallagh and Navan. * * *. A castle was erected by the 
Nangles at Ardsallagh, and convenient to it a convent in 
honour of the Purity of the Blessed Virgin. Some of the 
walls of this monastery were standing up to sixty years ago. 

About the close of the twelfth or early in the thirteenth 
century, the church of Cannistown or Canonstown, 3 in the 
parish of Ardsallagh, seems to have been founded or reedified 
by the same family in order to compensate the public for the 
occupation of Ardsallagh. Henceforth Cannistown became 
the parish church, and the district has been variously named 
Cannistown or Ardsallagh. The parish was dedicated to St. 
Brigid, and her holy well is in the demesne of Ardsallagh, 
still an object of veneration." 

The Nangles obtained the property from Hugh de Lacy in the 
twelfth century, and from them it passed by marriage first to the 

1 The Diocese of Meath, vol. i., p. 113. 

2 Acta Sanctorum, pp. 399-406; Archdall's Monasticon, p. 513. 

3 The name comes more probably from that of a person; the Ord- 
nance Survey Letters (Meath, p. 158), say : " In Kenna'stown Town- 
land there is an old church in ruins called CeAmpAU t>Aile CeanA." 

The church is in the present townland of Ardsallagh, but the 
boundary may have been changed. 

( 125 ) 


Preston family, and later on to the Ludlows. It was afterwards 
held by the Duke of Bedford and Earl Russell. 

The church consists of a nave and chancel, built of limestone 
rubble with cut and moulded dressings. The chancel, which dates 
from the thirteenth century, is 24 feet long by 15 feet wide inside, 
and has dressings of brown sandstone. The nave, 41 feet 2 inches 
by 17 feet 8 inches, is of later date. It has evidently been rebuilt 
and probably enlarged in the fifteenth or early sixteenth century ; 
the dressings are of limestone. 

Plates XVIII. and XIX. show several views of the church, and 
Fig. 1 gives the plan. The total length of the building is 74 feet 8 
inches; the walls are from 2 feet 11 inches to 3 feet wide except the 
western, which, as it has to support the bell turret, is 3 feet 
8 inches thick. The height to the eaves is from 10 to 11 feet only, 
but the steeply pitched roof, rising at an angle of 55 degs., made 
up for this. 

In the walls may be seen many putlog holes from which the 
filling has disappeared. These holes pass right through, and show 
that the scaffold used at the building consisted merely of planks 
supported on timbers passed through the walls and wedged in the 
holes. The same thing may be noticed on a. large scale in the 
cathedral church at Newtown, near Trim, a, building in the same 

The chancel is the more interesting part. It presents the 
following features : — In the north side a plain lancet window and 
beside it an aumbry ; in the south side a similar window, a piscina 
and an arched doorway. In the east wall a window of two pointed 
lights like those to the north and south, but more ornamental in 
character; and to the west a semi-circular chancel arch with two 
carved corbels above. 

In each of the windows some or all of the interior dressings 
remain in position, and give the internal dimensions and angle of 
splay. The exterior dressings have all been removed, but one 
stone was found loose, and has been fixed on the sill of the south 
window for preservation. This stone formed half of the head of 
one of the windows, and gives the form of mould, the shape of the 
lancet head and the approximate width of the lights. 

The aumbry is 20 inches wide, 17 inches deep, and 2 feet 10 
inches high ; the top is a> pointed arch, and the dressings are plain, 
with a rebate to take a 2-inch door; a groove for a. shelf can be 
traced 12 inches above the sill. 

The piscina is 13 inches wide, 10 inches deep, and 18 inches 
high. It also is covered by a pointed arch, and has chamfered 
dressings. The sill is a carved corbel, which has been adapted to 
its present purpose by cutting a ( shallow depression in the upper 
surface, with a channel to the back of the stone. The carving is 
broken, but resembles that on several corbels still in position in 
the church at Newtown, Trim. It is not clear to what part of the 



building this stone belonged, unless it supported the hood of a 
doorway, and for this purpose it seems rather large. (See A, 
Plate XX.) 


The south doorway of the chancel is almost' destroyed, and 
appears to have been at one time built up. Although the dress- 
ings have been removed from their places, enough of one side-wall 
remains to show that the doorway had a pointed top. 

A block of sandstone has also been found which almost 
certainly belonged to this entrance. It shows a roll or bead 
4 inches in diameter, and has a deep rebate for the door. (See 

Fig. 2. Cannistown Church. — Windows. 

A. South window of chancel (restored). 

B. West window of nave (existing). 

E, Fig. 3.) Another stone (F, Fig. 3) found near this doorway 
may be part of the hood; it curves to a radius of about 3 feet 
6 inches. 

The north and south windows are exactly similar, and 
as the south is the better preserved it is here described. 
The interior is complete, and is shown at A, Plate XX. ; 
the dressings are plain, and the dimensions are 7 feet 
in height and 3 feet 1 inch in width. The exterior can 
be restored from the portion of the head which has been found, 
together with the opening from which the dressings have been 
removed. The light was 9 inches in width and about 3 feet 6 
inches in height, and had an external chamfer and rebate. The 

Plate XIX] 

[To face page 128 



section of the moulding is drawn at 0, Fig. 3, and a restoration at 
A, Fig. 2. 

A string course shaped as a 3^ -inch roll and fillet runs along 
the side walls over these windows about level with the wallplate. 
It is seen in A, Plate XX., and G, Fig. 3, gives the section. 

The east window is destroyed with the exception of the internal 
dressings at either side. These show a 2-inch bead and are 6 feet 
9 inches apart. D, Fig. 3, gives the section; the present condition 
of the window is shown in the photograph of the chancel arch in 
Plate XIX. 

When the broken masonry over the window outside is 
examined, two pointed rubble arches are seen in the heart of the 
wall. These filled the spaces, between the outer and inner dress- 
ings of the heads of the lights, and show, taken in connection with 
the angle of splay of the existing portions of the jambs, that the 
window had originally two lancets like those in the north and 
south walls, but longer and moire highly decorated. They were 
spaced 3 feet 6 inches apart from centre to centre. 

The portions of the interior dressings still in position show an 
ornamental bead along the arris, and some remains of a narrow 
hood moulding over each light. It is probable that there were 
also external hoods. 

At some period while the church was in use this window was 
altered and enlarged by the removal of the pier between the lights 
and the substitution of a, roughly built lintel or flat arch for the 
pointed heads. The lintel may have been inserted to lower the 
top of the window to suit the plaster ceiling which in many cases 
superseded an original timbered roof. 

The chancel arch is the principal feature which remains intact. 
It is beautifully moulded and carved on the west and plainly 
chamfered on the east. 4 The span is 7 feet, and the height to the 
springing of the arch 6 feet 10 inches. The mouldings are shown in 
section at A and B, Fig. 3. The piers have foliage capitals of the 
usual early English type, and the hood springs from blocks carved 
with human and animal figures. There are no bases; the 
hollows of the mouldings simply die out three inches above the 
floor level. 

The arch is semi-circular instead of pointed, probably to keep 
it low and leave space for a Rood above. Over the arch are two 
corbels on which a, beam originally rested and no doubt supported 
a carved or painted representation of the Crucifixion. The corbels 
and capitals are shown in Plate XX. 

The northern corbel has an animal carved on the upper part 
and a human head below ; the groove for the beam can be seen on 

6 A small engraving was published in Wilde's Beauties of the Boyne 
and Blackwater, and reproduced in Wakeman's Handbook of Irish 


the upper surface. The southern is more injured, but has the 
remains of a full-length figure standing and clasping some small 
object to its breast. Under the feet are three small heads, ap- 
parently those of demons. 

On the north side the hood rises from a stone on which is 
carved a hunting scene. Three hounds are shown springiDg simul- 
taneously on a long-tailed animal, like a wolf or fox, which has 
already seized a smaller animal. Next to these is represented a 
tree and the half-length figure of a. man blowing a horn. This 
latter figure is greatly broken. 



Fig. 3. Cannistown Church. — Mouldings in 

A. Pier of chancel arch. B. Arch, and hood of 
same. C. External dressings of windows. 
D. Internal dressings of east window. E. Jamb 
of doorway. F. Hood of doorway. G. String 
course over windows in chancel. 

The carving on the south side is also in bad condition. It 
shows three half-length figures, the central one in close-fitting 
garments or perhaps armour, and holding a staff or baton. The 
outer figures wear loose robes, and each lays a hand on the 
shoulder of the central personage. Along the front of the stone is 
a row of small circular objects, all broken away except one which 
is under the hand of the figure to the right of the stone, and this 
bears some resemblance to a cup. 

The nave is not symmetrically placed with regard to the 
chancel; on the south the walls form one straight line, but on the 
north the nave wall is outside the line of the chancel. This 
probably srises from the enlargement of the former. Some 

Plate XX] 

[To face page 130 



A- South Window and Piscina. B. & C. Corbels over Chancel Arch. 
P. E. Capitals of Chancel Arch. 


portions of the wall of the original nave- may be incorporated in the 
present south wall, but in general the mortar used in the two parts 
of the building is quite distinct. The chancel is built with a weak 
and friable mortar containing a large proportion of yellow loam, 
the nave wth a hard white mortar made with clean sand. 

The north wall is broken down to within a foot or two of the 
ground, and there is no sign of any opening in it: there may, of 
course, have been a window, and a large break near the west end 
may have contained a doorway, though there seems no necessity 
for a second entrance. 5 

In the south wall are two windows, two small aumbries or 
recesses, and a large doorway, the external head of which formed 
a pointed arch. These openings were only provided with cut- 
stone dressings on the exterior, and all of them have been removed 
from their places. 

Fig. 4. Cannistown Church — Mouldings in Limestone. 

A. Jamb of doorway. B. and C. Hoods of windows. D. External 
dressing of window. E. External dressing of west window. 

Several moulded limestone blocks have been found near the 
church, and must have come from this wall. They are shown in 
section in Fig. 4. A is part of the jamb of a doorway. It has a 
deep rebate and a moulded chamfer which is stopped a few inches 
from the bottom. B and C are portions of the rectangular hoods 
of windows like that shown at B, Fig. 2. D is the jamb of a 
window with curved chamfers inside and out, a,s well as a groove 
for a frame. 

The west wall contains a complete window 3 feet 10 inches in 
height and 16 inches in breadth, with a moulded frame, cinquefoil 
head, sunk spandrils and a rectangular hood. It is shown in plan 
and elevation at B, Fig. 2, and the mould of the frame is drawn 
at E, Fig. 4. The latter differs from D, Fig. ' 4, in having an 
internal rebate. Perhaps this window had a shutter, as the 
opening was large enough for a person to get through. 

5 Unless, indeed, as Du Noyer thought, the west end was partitioned 
off as a priest's room. 



On the gable was the bell turret, of which portion still exists. 
It shows the lower courses of three piers, each 20 inches wide, 
and between them two apertures, 25 inches wide, for bells. A 
stone which formed part of a small arch was found lying on the 
sill of one of these openings, and shows that they had arched tops. 
The Rev. Anthony Cogan, already referred to, mentions " the 
belfry with its three semi-circular headed windows." 

It was usual to place a third arch above the others, and such a 
belfry in a more complete state exists at Donoughmore in the 
same district. 

The pedestal on which the font stood is lying beside the chancel 
arch, and may be noticed in the picture of that arch in Plate XIX. 
It is 22 inches square and 12 inches high ; the stone tapers to 14 
inches at the top, and has a small step halfway up. The angles 
are slightly chamfered, which brings the shape to an octagon with 
unequal sides. In the top is a circular socket 5^ inches in 
diameter to receive the tenon of the shaft which supported the 

There are no monuments of any great antiquity in the grave- 
yard; the oldest appears to be a small slab outside of the south 
wall of the nave. The inscription is in raised capitals, and states 
that the stone was erected by LUKE MVRTAGH for his children 
MARY and HENRY who departed in 1723 and 1726. 


George V. Du Noyer drew plan and details of this church in 
1865. His drawings (marked Ardsallagh) are in the R. S.A.I. 
Library — Sketchbook No. X., pp. 17, 18. The plan is incorrect, 
as he has placed the nave in a position symmetrical with the 
chancel, and marked the putlog holes " peeps." 

The details consist of the west window, the capitals, and the 
north corbel of the chancel arch. They are correct except in a 
few minor particulars. The figures carved on the south capital 
he calls " The Nangle family." It is probable that he also drew 
the complete arch and the south corbel, as the sheet next to that 
containing the north corbel, &c, has been removed from the book. 

The plan, the west window, and the north capital are copied on 
a larger scale in the eighth volume of his drawings in the R.I.A. 
Library, pp. 27, 28, 29. In the description of these drawings in 
the Proceedings B.I. A., Vol. X. (1867), p. 91, he suggests that 
the carvings over the capitals of the chancel arch represent on the 
north an otter hunt and on the south the Last Supper. 

Plate XXIJ 

[To face page 133 


By Thomas J. Shaw, Member. 

[Read 30 March, 1920.] 

Those who are acquainted with our great Irish Saga, the Tain 
Bo Cuailgne, will not need to be reminded of the glowing and 
graphic language in which the arrival of the Ultonian forces at 
the hill of Slemain Midhe is described or of the enthralling 
manner in which their leaders' arms and accoutrements are pour- 
trayed, and those who are not so far familiar with its dramatic 
tale may, indeed, be told that it has been termed one of the 
most precious monuments of the world's literature. In the 
introduction to the edition by Professor Dunn, pages xxxii to 
xxxvi, will be found reference to the very large amount of 
material published on the subject, and to the world-wide interest 
the tale has evoked. The prose translations offered so far are, 
however, of a more or less literal character, and it seems a pity 
that a version more suited for the average reader has not been 
issued so far, if we except Mrs. Hutton's flowing and stately 
verse which reproduces it so faithfully and so well. 

Where, indeed, is Slemain Midhe, and what are its features 
to-day? I do not, indeed, think there is any need to labour at 
proofs as to its location, because by common consent of those 
best qualified to judge, it is agreed that the hill of Slanemore, 
situate about three miles north-west of Mullingar, represents the 
Slemain Midhe of the tale. Anyone visiting it will at once agree 
as to the place being eminently suitable for military purposes, or as 
the camping ground of an army. It is well to point out that a 
note made by Hennessy in the Annals of Ulster, vol. i, p. 33, 
in which he mentions that Slanemore and Slanebeg, so far 
generally identified as the Slemain of the tale, are in the Parish 
of Dysart, had helped to lead astray many persons looking for 
the position of Slemain Midhe. This parish is situate five miles 
S.W. of Mullingar, but, by a strange coincidence, those town- 
lands, although three miles N.W. of Mullingar, form a detached 
portion of it. Reference to Onomasticon Goidelicum, page 604, 
will show how the learned author was puzzled and led 
by the note just mentioned to make conjectures in reference to 
its present situation which are undoubtedly incorrect. Further 

( 133 ) K 


references to the matter will be found in paragraph No. 43 in 
the valuable articles on " Some Place Names in Ancient Meath," 
appearing in the Irish Ecclesiastical Record for 1913, from the 
pen of the Rev. Paul Walsh, M.A. 

The most remarkable feature of the high tableland constitut- 
ing the hill of Slanemore, to a student of the Tain, is the 
manner in which a mound situate at the very crest corresponds 
so well with the description of the mound erected by the first 
company arriving at the hill to be a seat for their lord, Conor, 
King of Ulster and son of a high King of Erin, a description of 
which is given in the following translation based with various 
verbal alterations on that made by Professor O'Looney, which 
latter is now deposited in the Royal Irish Academy, and has not 
so far been published. 

" Good, O MacRoth, said Ailill, what is the array of the 
progress of the Ultonians advancing unto the hill in Slemain 
Midhe? I do not know, indeed; but there came a mighty noble 
and splendid-looking company unto that hill in Slemain Midhe, 
admirable to be seen and viewed — thrice thirty hundreds in it. 
They all cast their clothes off and built up an earthen mound 
(fert fodbaig) on which their Chieftain sat. A handsome, tall, 
noble-featured, highly-polished young warrior of proud bearing in 
front of that company, the most beautiful of the princes of the 
world in his bearing amongst his hosts both in majesty and 
might and courage and command, with hair fair and curly, 
beautifully coiled and thick, his countenance gentle, high- 
coloured and clear, with deep blue eyes brightly beaming, watch- 
ful and commanding in his head, his beard forked with a pro- 
fusion of rich, fair curls, wearing a five-folding, crimson-bordered 
mantle, a golden pin on the cloak across his breast, a splendid 
white body garment collared and interwoven with ornamentations 
of red gold over his white skin, His shield white, with ornaments in 
the shape of a beast, made of gold, a long gold-hilted sword in 
one hand, a broad grey lance in the other. This warrior took his 
stand on the high summit of the hill till the others came to him 
and his company drew up around him." 

The hill of Slanemore constitutes at the present time a high 
tableland embracing several hundred acres and facing Lough 
Owel; on the east it dips rather sharply. Just at the crest on 
that side, embraced within a ditch enclosure of about three- 
quarters of an acre, are found three mounds close to one another, 
an illustration of which is annexed. 

The one facing the north is much the bigger one, whilst the 
middle one, as the illustration will show, seems as if at the top 
it were made for people to sit down on, there being a distinct 
slope for the feet at a space of about three feet from the top. The 
circumference of the larger mound at the base is about 56 yards, 

Plate XXII] 

[To face page 134 


sloping for about 15 feet, where its diameter is about five yards 
each way. There is a wonderful view from it, the whole country 
being visible for many miles on every side, presenting in part the 
appearance of an amphitheatre. The second mound is about 40 
yards in circumference, 9 feet in height to the platform shown, 
which is about 2^ feet wide, and then there is a slope of about 
3 feet to the top, which is about 2 yards' each way. The third 
mound is small in size. 

As already mentioned, the principal mound referred to is on 
the very crest, and faces to the north-east, on one side the 
sequestered grove at Portloman, distant about 1^ miles, the tra- 
ditional site of Loman's Cross mentioned in the Amra Choluim 

The writer does not suggest that this mound is the identical 
one from which Conor is said to have reviewed the Ultonian 
forces, but any one who, familiar with the tale, visits the spot 
and studies its topography will, I think, admit that there is a 
remarkable correspondence between the description as given in 
the tale and that found at the present day, and he hopes to bring 
forward further striking evidence that it seems almost certain 
the tale, so far as the Westmeath portion is concerned, is based 
on a definite topography, although the language of exaggeration 
and hyperbole may have been given full play in the setting of 
the drama and its descriptive details. 


According to the tale, on the night before the battle the four 
great provinces of Erin pitched their camp at Clathra. Just as 
it is needless to adduce proof as to the location of Slemain Midhe, 
so the universal opinion of historians, and of latter day writers, 
places its situation as being the well-known and conspicuous hill 
now called Clare, one mile south-west of Ballymore. If it can 
be said of Slanemore, that it would make a noble camping 
ground for an army, with more truth and justice may it be said 
of Clare, which covers a very large area converging on a centre 
crowned at the present day by a ruined tower, the only remain- 
ing portion of a strong castle, part of the ruins of which are 
clearly visible, and which were erected on a base not of the usual 
type of moat, but on a larger type of raised plateau, which was 
utilised for the purpose, and from this spot practically not merely 
the entire hill is commanded, but the entire country for very 
many miles around. It would well repay a visit, indeed. Taking 
the two points of Slemain Midhe and Clathra as indicated in the 
tale, it is fairly obvious that the great battles of the Tain must 
have taken place in the space intervening, the distance being 
about 10 miles. The Four Masters, when speaking of Clathra 
give it the name of Clartha, which is a later form. 


Gairech and Ilgairech. 

The writer will now proceed to consider some points which 
have struck him as to the probable location of the battle-field of 
Gairech and Ilgairech. So far, the actual site cannot be regarded 
as definitely identified. It has been, however, pointed out that 
the name Gairech might be approximately identified with the 
townland of Gary, Castletown Kindalene parish, barony of Moy- 
cashel, County Westmeath, about 5 miles south-west of Slemain, 
as will be referred to later on, but it is also pointed out that the 
district of Gairech and Ilgairech must have been much larger 
than the modern townland of Gary (I. E. Record, p. 188, 1913). 

Leaving aside, however, any considerations of a phonetic char- 
acter, and basing his opinion on an examination of the district 
between Slemain and Clathra, the headquarters of the opposing 
hosts, on its correspondence with the topography of the battle- 
field as narrated in the tale, on the tradition of a great battle 
which lingers in the district, and on various other details to which 
more particular reference will be made hereafter, the writer is of 
opinion that the scene of the supposed battlefield is to be found 
in the townlands and districts adjoining and including the town- 
land of Corr on its northern, eastern, but more especially western 
sides. In Onomasticoii Goedelicum, page 604, Father Hogan, 
S.J., puts forward the suggestion that Corr, not far from Rath- 
conrath, may represent the ancient name of Gairech. Father 
Hogan mentions Corr House, but there is a townland of Corr 
embracing an area of 390 acres, in what is almost a direct line 
between Slemain and Clathra, neither of which is visible from 
the other, Corr being somewhat nearer to the latter than to 
the former. Now, an army encamped at Slanemore and moving 
towards Clathra would in the normal course stream across the 
high tableland of Slanemore, across the townlands of Coolnahea and 
Balgarrett, which is also a very extensive tableland, and across 
the townland of Kilpatrick. 

After the townland of Kilpatrick, and leading towards Corr, 
we meet with the following townlands : — 

a. r. p. 

Rathtrim (Rath of the elder trees, O 'Donovan) 140 2 5 
Ballyglass - - - - - 114 1 39 

Ballinlug - - - - - 319 2 8 

Farthingstown - - - - 281 1 3 

Corr - - - - - - 391 2 39 

A number of earthworks, &c, are to be found in these town- 
lands. In the townland of Kilpatrick 6, in Rathtrim 2, in Bally- 
glass 5 or 6, including the conspicuous and well-known moat of 
Rathconrath. There is a grave in Ballyglass townland which is 


Plate XXIII] 

[To face page 137 



said locally to be the burial place of a king. It is marked by two 
large stones, separated from each other 6 feet 10 inches. The 
large stone is 5 feet 8 inches wide and 3 feet 4 inches above 
ground, and the smaller flag is 42 inches wide by 34 inches above 
ground. In this townland, at a short distance from; the moat of 
Rathconrath, there is a hill which slopes quickly down towards 
the road leading to Miltown. Towards the top, on the south- 
west side, is a small circular earthwork, and on the west, facing 
the last, are three large stones set together which are locally 
known as the " leegaun," of the type in the illustrations to 
Wilde's Lough Corrib, relating to the battlefield of Moytura. 
Further down on the left is an object which, viewed from the 
road, seems to present all the appearance of an ordinary rath. 
On crossing over to it, one finds it is really a. circular enclosure 
about 300 yards in diameter; in the centre, about 12 yards by 8, 
are remains of apparently a monumental character, whilst to the 
right there is also what seems to look like a grave, 5 yards long 
by 3. At first sight it would seem within the bounds of possi- 
bility that it might be a very ancient graveyard, but on enquiry 
I was told it was known as the black fort. It seems to me of the 
type indicated on diagram of Cahermoygilliar fort, Co. Cork, as 
shown in Mr. Westropp's book on The Ancient Forts of Ireland, 
facing page 118. There is also in Ballinlug, just on the side of 
the road near Rathconrath, a small earthwork, now called 
Mweeleen Moat, also Croca Maoilin, which I think is clearly of a 
tumulus or sepulchral character. Mr. de Vismes Kane, in 
"Additional Researches on the Black Pig's Dyke," Proceedings 
R. I. A., vol. 33, Section C, No. 19, p. 536, suggests that it may 
have been one of the three maels of Meath cut} off by Fergus's 
sword, but an examination will certainly reveal nothing that I 
think would justify the suggestion, and, as already mentioned, I 
think it and various others in the district are of sepulchral origin. 

Reverting again to Slanemore, and looking from it towards the 
south-west, one can see an eminence situated in the townland of 
Farthingstown ; beside it is a lake, said to be of great depth, 
called Loughan. Unfortunately, the ancient name of this emi- 
nence has been lost, being called Mount Dalton from the well- 
known family of that name at the present day, but in view of the 
fact that it can be clearly seen not only from Slanemore, but 
from Clathra as well, as, also, from Uisneach and from a very 
large area besides, it must have been a well-known spot. 

I have just mentioned that there is a lake beside it, and this 
lake would correspond with the situation of a lake referred to in 
the following passage, the translation being again based on Pro- 
fessor O'Looney's, now in the Royal Irish Academy, with verbal 
alterations : " It was on that night that Morrigan, daughter of 
Ernmas, came till she was at the lake and intermeddling between 


the two hosts of the two duns alternately, and she spoke these 
words : ' Ravens will devour the necks of men the blood of 
heroes spouts forth.' " The remainder of the passage is of a very 
difficult character, and a friend to whom I am indebted for con- 
siderable assistance in connection with Professor O'Looney's 
translation generally, tells me that his version of the concluding 
lines is mere guess-work. Miss Faraday's translation, collated 
from Leabhar Na-Ji-Uidre and the Yellow Book of Lecan, has no 
reference to a lake, whilst Professor 0''Looney's translation is 
from the Book of Leinster. Miss Faraday says (Introduction, 
page 11) that " The Tain in the Leinster text is longer, fuller, 
and later in both style and language than the former versions just 
mentioned. It is essentially a literary attempt to give a com- 
plete and consistent narrative, and is much less interesting than 
the older recension." 

To the north of the townland of Farthingstown, and separated 
from it by the small townland of Cleggarnagh (53a. 12r. 21p), 
translated by 'Donovan in the field Name Book as " noisy 
flashing," is the remarkable hill called Skeagh Hill, in the town- 
land of Skeaghmore, which is well featured at the present day 
in the description given by Mrs. Hutton in her metrical transla- 
tion of the spot where Cuchullain stayed before the battle : — 

" So in a high hill nook on Fedan Collna amid whitening 
bushes of wild spiky thorn, Cuchullain lay held to his sick man's 
bed by hooks and ties and crooks. Through night's dark shades 
he heard the red More-reega calls and cries the blood cries of 
the bitter throated Bive " (The Tain, Book XV., p. 411). This 
corresponds largely with the topography indicated in the extract 
from the tale a,s below taken from O'Looney's version : " I heard 
a great shout then, said MacRoth, eastward to the battlefield or 
westward to the battle. What shout was that, Fergus, said 
Ailill to Fergus? I know that indeed, said Fergus, that is 
Cuchulainn coming to advance to proclaim battle after having 
risen from the sod of his lowly sick bed in Fort Sciach." It will 
be remembered that reference has been already made to the lake 
between the two armies, and to the suggstion that Loughan was 
the lake referred to. As already mentioned, it is about half a mile 
from Skeagh Hill, which would be at the extreme right whilst the 
lake lies to the left. 

In the paper on " Additional Researches on the Black Pig's 
Dyke," by W. F. de Vismes Kane, read before the Royal Irish 
Academy on November 15, 1916, to which I have already referred, 
he draws attention to a pillar stone on Skeagh Hill, an illustration 
of which is given, and suggests that it may mark the resting- 
place of Sciach, daughter of Deagadh. 

Between Skeagh and the eminence referred to is a space of 
ground opening on a large extent of high tableland, including the 


townlands of Corr Ballymorin, New Bristy, Cappaghjuan, Rath- 
carra, sloping down towards Halston and Washford, which will 
be referred to hereafter. In the north-east of Ballymorin town- 
land is a conspicuous moat, distant about a mile from Rathcon- 
rath. The townland of Corr consists chiefly of high tableland 
and altogether, with the adjoining townlands as already referred 
to, one would say was just the place for a great battle. It, how- 
ever, contains no special features of interest save two earthworks. 
The townland of Rathcarra, which is a small townland of about 
34 acres just beyond Corr, is situated on the slope of the hill 
which runs down to the stream called Washford River, and stand- 
ing in the townland one can see, about a mile to the south, the 
famous hill of Uisneach. 

Having given a general idea of the topography of the district 
and some features of interest, I take the following extract, from 
O'Looney's translation with some verbal alterations: — 

" It was then the four great provinces of Erin established a 
' Dun ' and an encampment at Clathra that night. They left 
a party, to watch in order that the Ultonians would not come on 
them without warning and without being noticed in their ap- 
proach. It was then that Conchobar and Cellchair went with 
thirty hundred cairptechs (champions) of battle and they set up 
on Slemain Midhe after the hosts. However, though we state 
this here, they did not stay through fear of them, but they went 
thence to set up camp to camp to the Dun of Ailill and Maeve, 
and they went within reach to crimson redden their hands with 
each other. It was not very long that MacRoth had been there 
till he saw the thing — the unanswerable great formidable array 
in Slemain Midhe coming directly from the north-east. He came 
forward to where Ailill and Maeve and Fergus and the nobles of 
the men of Erin were. Ailill asked tidings of him on his arrival. 
" Good O MacRoth," said Ailill, " have you seen any persons of 
the Ultonians in pursuit of this host to-day? " " I do not know, 
indeed," said MacRoth, " but I have seen an unanswerable great 
formidable array in Slemain Midhe coming directly from the 
north-east." 1 " We regard those arrays as a muster of juvenile 
sports," said Ailill. " It is not less than thirty hundred fighting 
cairptechs in it that is ten hundred on twenty hundred righting 
champions," said MacRoth. " Good O Fergus," said Ailill, 
what occasion had you to threaten us with the dust mists and 
mire fogs and breath blasts of a great host up to this and that 
you have only this much of a battle array for. us? " " It is a 
little too soon to reflect on them," said Fergus, " because it will 
not be long till the hosts shall be more numerous than they say." 
Maeve then propounded a plan by which she hoped to capture 

1 This corresponds exactly with the topography as I suggest. 


Conchobar, but in the struggle that ensued " 800 full valiant 
warriors of them fell by him, and he came away from them with- 
out a blood wound or blood reddening being inflicted on him till 
he set up in Slemain Midhe to await the Ultonians." 

This is taken from the Book of Leinater version. Miss 
Faraday's translation, collated from the Leabhar Na-h-Uidre and 
Yellow Book of Lecan, p. 131, is as follows: — " Thus Conchobar 
went with his hosts and took camp near the others. Conchobar 
asked for a truce till sunrise on the morrow from Ailill and Ailill 
ratified it for the men of Ireland and for the exiles, and then 
Conchobar 's tents are pitched. The ground between them is a 
space — bare — and the Ulstermen came to it before sunset. Then 
said the Morrigan in the twilight between the two camps. . . ." 

The following extracts are descriptive of the opening stages of 
the battle. The first, taken from O'Looney's translation, quotes 
Laeg, charioteer to Cuchullain, as telling his master, " and here 
comes a small company from out of the dun and out of the 
encampments from the west now upon the plains. And here 
comes a company of mercenary youths after them to detain and 
delay them, and here comes a company of mercenary youths 
out of the encampments from the east to attack them." 

From Miss Faraday's translation the following is taken, 
page 134: — " The place where the warriors are now from the 
west," said the charioteer, " they make a breach in the battle 
eastwards. Their first defence from the west they make a breach 
in the battle westwards." " Alas, that I am not whole " (said 
Cuchullain), " my breach would be manifest like the rest." Then 
came the men of the bodyguard to the ford of the hosting. Fine 
the way in which the fighting men came to the battle in Garach 
and Ingarach." 

All of these passages are, I think, of considerable importance 
in investigating the Tain topography. It seems to me that, whilst 
the main encampment of the men of Erin was placed at Clathra, 
their advance guard and army had advanced in front of it towards 
the districts in the neighbourhood of Corr, New Bristy, formerly 
called Mullac a tliave, &c, whilst I suggest that the Ultonian 
forces may be regarded as holding not merely the hill of Slane- 
more, but as having pushed forward on the great wide plain, the 
high tableland embraced in Balgarrett and Kilpatrick, leading up 
to Rathconrath, with Skeagh Hill on their right wing. 

As already mentioned, the swelling tableland beyond Corr and 
Rathcarra slopes down to where there is a river, and the name 
of the place is Washford, which I suggest is the ford referred to. 
The local tradition is vivid that there was a fierce and mighty 
battle fought there, and that the heads of the slain were interred 
after the battle in a large and remarkable mound well known 


locally as Cruachan na gceann, which is situated about 100 
perches from Washford in the demesne lands of Halston, just 
north-east of Mr. Ham's house. It is shaped like an irregular 
triangle, and appearances point to its being artificial. It is about 
36 yards in length, with an average breadth of about 8 to 10 yards. 
It has been suggested to me that the name Washford itself, which 
is situated in the townland of Tobercormick, may be a transposed 
translation of Ath an Bhais, the ford of death. 

In the prose tales in Bennes Dinsenchus as given in Revue 
Celtique, Vol. 16, No. 120, also in the Extracts in Silva Gadelica, 
Vol. 2, p. 528, it is said that the name Gairech is from " gair, " 
the uproar of the great battle, or from the outcry which the 
striplings of Emania sent up around Cuchullain as he lay in his 
bed of gore, and the former goes on to say, " and chariots and 
horses and weapons and stones of the mire answered it on this 
side and that around the ford," &c. 

Beyond Washford is the townland of Killare Castle, which, 
with other townlands such as Eathskeagh, Dungahy and Clare 
itself, are included in the parish of Killare. I regret, indeed, that 
my knowledge of Irish is not sufficient to permit of my discussing 
the derivation of place names, but I do not think it is strain- 
ing the name to suggest it may mean " wood of slaughter." 
When any person proceeds to investigate the topography of the 
battle of Gairech, he has to ascertain whether there is any place 
which would correspond with the three Maels of Meath, the 
three headless hills of Meath, which Fergus is described as having 
cut the tops off with his magic sword, which became as large as a 
rainbow in the air, so that they lie in the adjoining swamp to this 
day. Standing on the slope of the hill just near the stone at 
Bathcarra, a short distance above the river, looking across the 
boggy ground at its southern base towards the townlands called 
Ardbrennan and Killare Castle, one could easily say there is a 
spot which might possibly correspond wi1*h the idea, as one can 
clearly see large saucer-like depressions which present all the 
appearance across the valley of having had the interior portion 
removed. On closer investigation, it will be found that they are 
fairly large in size, one being about 35 yards by 54 yards, 
another about 10 by 35, another deeper and wider; whilst, as 
mentioned, their appearance across the valley is saucer-like, 
when beside them they seem more of an elongated type. One 
might form the opinion that the ground on which those depres- 
sions occur, embracing some four or five acres, rising smartly 
from a swamp, was a site of some sort, but, as mentioned, from 
the far side the ground presents a truncated appearance. Whilst 
I am convinced a student of the Tain story who investigates 
closely the actual topography would be inclined to agree with the 


general propositions put forward as to the probable site of the 
battle, it is with great reluctance I draw attention to what might 
possibly be regarded as representing the three Maels of Meath, 
and only in a tentative way, at the same time I do not like to 
ignore those depressions, because, speaking for myself personally, 
each time I visited them and examined into the question, I thought 
the coincidence, taking the general topography into account, as 
being very remarkable. In reference to the three Maelains of 
Connaught, mentioned hereafter, I think their position and 
probable identification much clearer, and it seems to me those 
who pieced together the Tain tale utilised natural and other con- 
ditions with which they were familiar for a ground work. I 
should have mentioned there is a standing stone just at the base 
of the ground just described and between it and the swamp, in 
what is a most unusual place, so far as I am aware, also another 
of remarkable appearance just beside it at the cross roads of 
Clonaboy, also one at Rathcarra, all being close to each other. 

Reference has been already made to the fact that, looking 
across the valley at Eathcarra, one can see certain saucer-like 
depressions. There are no hills at present near that could be 
said to correspond with the description given below, but the 
writer has already pointed out how remarkably the contour of 
the ground corresponds with the idea. 

The wording of the passage referring to the matter as given 
by O'Looney is: — 

' ' Fergus speaking to Cormac Condlongas son of Conchobar who 
having seen him had rushed at him and thrown his arms around 
him, says to him: ' Depart now, i.e., got off from me youth 
because I cannot be alive unless I make my three distinctive 
blows at the Ultonians to-day so that their dead shall be more 
numerous than their living.' ' Draw your hand low,' said 
Cormac,' and cut the hills over the heads of the hosts and it 
will be an appeasing to your wrath.' ' Tell Conchobar to go 
into his place of battle,' said Fergus, ' away from me.' Con- 
chobar went into his place of battle. 

" It is how that sword was the sword of Fergus, i.e., it was 
the sword of Leta one of the Sidh. When it was a general strik- 
ing that was to be it became as large as a rainbow in the air. 
And then Fergus drew his hand horizontally over the heads of 
the hosts, and he cut their three heads of the three hills so that 
they are in the adjoining swamp up to this day and the three 
headless hills are the three Maela Mide (the three bald hills of 
Meath) in that place." 

The very remarkable and conspicuous hill of Knockcosker, or 
Knockcosgar, as it is called locally, may now be referred to. In 
Revue Celtique, Vol. 21, Whitley Stokes has translated the very 


interesting tale known as the destruction of Da Choca's Hostel 
(Bruidian da Choca,), which was situated at. the place now called 
Bryanmore, distant about five miles. At page 326 he translates 
Cnoca No Coscair, the name of this hill, as " the hill of 
triumph." Now it is situated just south of the Ridge of Clarta 
(another name of Glathra), and dominates what the writer sug- 
gests as being part of the battle area, so that without asserting 
there is any direct connection it furnished another of the many 
coincidences tending in his opinion to identify the site. In the 
tale of Da Choca's Hostel, it is stated that Eochain Bece, having 
gone away out of a battle described, fell on Cnoc Ni Coscair after 
weariness of conflict, so that there are many graves on it and it is 
called Beces Hill. In the same tale it is stated that the hill of 
Clarta is named after Clarta Claon who was slain on that hill. 

In the description of the Tain battle it is said the men of Erin 
were routed over the hill westward and the battle gained over 
the people of Connaught. A student of topography of the Tain 
on the spot will, I think, agree that this description, as also that 
of the action at the opening of the battle already mentioned, are 
fully borne out on the hypothesis put forward. 

The district in which, from a topographical point of view, it 
seems to me the battle of the Tain and its preliminary operations 
were fought according to the tale consists of rich and fertile 
tablelands, and viewed from Balgarret to Clara Hill may be said 
to lie north of Uisneach. History, literature and tradition record 
that there were great assemblies of the men of Erin at the hill 
of Uisneach, and the words of the late Dr. Healy convey such 
a clear and eloquent description of its topography that a student 
of the battle area may with profit refer to them (Life of St. 
Patrick, pp. 170, 171). 

Any considerations on the topography of the Tain must take 
into account the situation of Ath Mor, the great ford across which 
the men of Erin retreated, and which it is suggested in the Tain 
has been since called Ath Luain, from a loin of the Finnbeannach 
having been dropped there by the Donn Cuailgne when dashing 
back from Cruachan with torn fragments of his adversary on his 
horns. Investigations show that the river was in ancient times 
fordable in various places from Athlone to Lough Ree, and three 
sites can be pointed out at present, whilst in more recent times 
it was fordable at another place called Sandy Point below the 
present weir. This is confirmed by a diagram in Story's Impar- 
tial History of the Siege of Athlone, which shows at the sight 
mentioned the ford by which the attacking party accomplished 
the capture of Athlone. 

Joyce, in Irish Names of Places, Vol. 1, p. 354, seems, how- 
ever to think from a passage in the " Fate of the Children of 
Tuirearrn," that the town is called after Luan, a man's name. 


Mrs. Hutton, in her very beautiful rendering of the tale, says, 
describing the passage of the ford: — 

' ' And in that way 
they which were left of all the hosts of Erin passed the 
great ford and came once more to Connaught. 

Before he left the Connaught river shore his famous 
sword was brought unto Cucullin his wonder sword the 
wondrous Croo-adeen and in the dusk above the darkening 

ford it beamed like a king's candle 

" Then, 

" with that straight sword the wondrous Croo-adeen 
Cucullin struck his three straight wonder blows and struck 
their summits from the three low hills besides the ford 
that these three Maels of Connaught beside the Connaught 
River shore for evermore might answer the three Maels 
of Meath." 

Dunn's translation is as follows: — 

Then Laig, son of Riangabar, brought Cuchulain's 
sword unto him the hard-headed steeling to wit and 
Cuchulain took the sword in his hand. Then he stood still 
and gave a blow to the three bald topped hills of Ath Luain 
over against the three Maels (bald tops) of Meath so that 
he struck their three heads off them, and they are in the 
bog as a witness ever since." 

Hence these are the Maolain, the flat tops of Ath Luain. It 
will be noted that the reference to Fergus speaks of a curved 
sword, while that to Cuchullain speaks of a straight sword. The 
person who is familiar with the Tain story relating to this 
episode, and who, travelling along the Connaught River shore 
of Lough Ree, comes to where the river broadens into the lake, 
will, I think, at once admit that the contour of the ground at 
Hodson's Bay, adjacent to Hodson's Bay House, fits in admir- 
ably with the tale. Whilst it is of an esker character, there 
are three hills rising out of the ridge on one of which a tower 
known as Helen's tower, stands, which are given in the Ordnance 
Survey (6-inch sheet) as being 200 feet over sea level each. 
Reviewing the whole topography dealt with, it seems to me clear 
that natural conditions were made full use of in framing 
" the Iliad of Ireland . . . the queen of Irish epic tales and 
the wildest and most fascinating Saga tale not only of the entire 
Celtic world, but even of all Western Europe," as it is termed 
by Professor Dunn in preface to his edition, page 11, and on 
page 13 he says there can be little doubt but that it had behind 
it no mere myths but some kernel of actual fact. 

Of course, in submitting the result of my observations and 
deductions I know full well that they are liable to error in many 


points. However, as the subject of the Tain Bo Cuailgne is of 
world-wide interest, and it is very desirable that the topography 
of its great battle should, if possible, be elucidated, the writer 
submits his views on the point in the hope that it may help to 
lead others to definitely determine the exact site. As already 
mentioned, I do not think that Garhy could possibly fit in with 
the topography of the Tain, assuming the respective armies were 
at Slanemore and Clare Hill, no matter how much it might agree 
phonetically with Gairech. It is too far south, and the more one 
looks at the actual topography of the ground between Slanemore 
and Garhy and between Garhy and Athlone the less likely it 
appears to have been the scene of the conflict. However, about 
the centre of the townland is a prehistoric tomb known as " the 
Grave of the Warrior." It consists of a large stone about 5 feet 
6 inches by 4 feet 2 inches. It is supported at each end by rough 
stone blocks, which raise the slab about 5 inches over the sur- 
rounding land. It is lined underneath with rough stones regu- 
larly placed. 

The writer would like to say he does not think that the course 
of Assal's Way, so frequently referred to in the Tain, included 
the hill of Slanemore itself, but went more directly from the 
northern end of Lough Owel towards Uisneach than would be the 
case if it were via Slanemore, which would be slightly to the 
south, and would be probably selected as an encampment for 
military, being free from any possibiliy of surprise attacks. 
Reference to Revue Celtique, Vol. 22, p. 32, " Destruction of Da 
Derga's Hostel," will show that the King, after settling quarrels 
between the two Cairbres in Thomond, travelled back to Tara 
past Uisneach of Meath; and in Silva Gadelica, Vol. 2, p. 373, 
it is mentioned that Eiachra, brother of King Niall, having 
marched with a vast army into Munster to lift rent and pledges, 
and having given battle there, was severely wounded, but was 
victorious, and, carrying with him his 50 pledges, followed his 
way to Tara, but when he came to the spot called Forrach in 
Ui Mic Uais (now Farra townland, parish of Leney, at the 
northern end of Lough Owel), he died, where his grave was dug, 
his lamentation rites performed, and his name written in Ogham. 

In conclusion, may I express my sincere thanks to Mr. John 
Casey, Miltown, Rathconrath, who has given me invaluable help. 

In presenting these notes, dealing as they do with subjects 
which have their roots deep down in the ages, I do so with the 
greatest diffidence, and only in the hope that rny local knowledge 
of certain points may be of some help to those who are better 
qualified to deal with the subject. 

P.S.- — Since the above paper was written, the writer has had 
the opportunity of making some studies in connection with the first 


battle of Moytura, and would point out that various interesting 
comparisons may be made textually and topographically between 
the two tales. It is said in the former (Eriu, vol. 8, translated 
by J. Eraser) that " sad and wounded and full of heavy re- 
proaches were the Eirbolg that night. Each one buried his kins- 
folk and relations, his friends and familiars, and there 
were raised mounds over the brave men, and grave- 
stones and tombs over the soldiers, and hills over the heroes." 
An examination of the area of the suggested battleground of the 
Tain will show, bearing the above in mind, that there are various 
points of interest of sepulchral type to which specific attention 
has not been directed in the paper. 

Again, in the description of the supposed site of the battle- 
field of Moytura, given in Wilde's " Lough Corrib," comparison 
may be drawn between the great cairn found between Cross and 
Cong and the large earthen mound at New Bristy on Ballymorin. 
It is to be hoped Mr. Fraser's most interesting translation may 
soon be made available for more general reference. 


By The Kev. St. John D. Seymour, b.d., litt.d., Member. 

[Eead 8 March, 1921.] 

There is an apocryphal anecdote relating to Judas Iscariot, found 
only in one manuscript of the Greek Acta Pilati B., which has 
passed into Irish Literature and folklore, and of which numerous 
representations on stone may be seen at the present day. 
Briefly, it runs as follows : — When Judas got home after the 
betrayal he found his wife roasting a cock over a fire of coals, and 
asked her to give him a rope in order that he might hang himself, 
because he knew that Christ would rise again on the third day. 
To this his wife scornfully replied that there was as much possi- 
bility of that event occurring as of the cock which she was cook- 
ing coming to life; whereupon, as she uttered these words, the 
bird clapped its wings, and crowed thrice. This only served to 
confirm Judas in his resolution, and accordingly he went out and 
hanged himself. 1 

Scattered through apocryphal writings, especially those from 
the East, there are some interesting allusions to cocks coming to 
life. Some of these are connected with the Virgin Mary. In a 
Sahidic fragment of a Life of the Virgin certain persons tell her 
that they had killed other cocks and birds in place of those which 
had come to life again, and that these, too, took wing, and flew 
away from the cauldrons. The passage from which this is taken 
is defective at the beginning, but the context can be recovered — 
as Mr. Eobinson has pointed out in his introduction — from a 
parallel passage in the Arabic version of the Prayer of the Virgin 
at Bart os, in which, as a result of the Virgin's having prayed that 
certain men who had been slain should be restored to life, the 
cooks come and tell her that " all the birds and cocks which were 
in the cooking pots took wing and flew away, blessing the 
Lord." 2 

Other stories are connected with the events of Holy Week. 
We have already given one from the Greek. There is a Coptic 
fragment which may possibly have contained the same story. It 
relates to Judas and his wife. She used to compel him to steal, 
and reviled him when he returned empty-handed. In her greed 
for money she suggested to him that he should betray his Master. 
Accordingly, he goes to the Jews, gets the thirty pieces of silver, 

1 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (2nd ed.), p. 290. 

2 Forbes Kobinson, Coptic Apocryphal Gospels, p. 21; Basset, 
Apocryphes Ethiopiens, Part V., p. 66. 

( H7 ) 


and brings them back to his wife. He then says to her . 

Here the fragment breaks off, but it seems likely that if we had 
the lost portion it would contain the episode of the cock. 3 

In another Coptic fragment the story runs as follows: — At the 
Last Supper Matthias places on the table a plate containing a 
cock, and tells Christ that as he was engaged in killing this bird 
the Jews saw him, and told him they would treat his Master 
in a similar manner. Jesus replies that this is so, but says that 
the cock will come to life again. He then touches the bird, and 
bids it fly away, which it accordingly does. He tells them that 
as this cock, which had been dead for three hours, had been 
restored to life, so He Himself would rise again on the third day. 
As late as the seventeenth century the Copts had preserved a 
somewhat similar story. " At Our Lord's Supper a roasted cock 
was served up, and that then Judas having gone out to sell and 
betray Our Lord, He commanded the roasted cock to rise and go 
after Judas : which the cock did, and afterwards brought back 
word to Our Lord that Judas had sold Him, and that, therefore, 
that cock was admitted to Paradise." 4 

In Ireland the story appears under the following forms: — In 
an old poem, entitled Christ was Crucified, we read: — "Judas 
the traitor went to his sister while Christ was on the cross. He 
asked a boon truly of the sister after having betrayed the King, 
that she should boil a fair cock for sinful Judas to consume it. 
Thereupon the woman said to him, ' Not good is the deed you 
have done, to betray the King, who shall rise afterwards at the 
end of three days out of the earth.' ' Jesus will not rise from 
the earth,' said fierce, wicked Judas, ' until the cock which you 
have killed crows a cry which is not weak.' The cock which was 
on the fire, truly and certainly, came across out of the house, 
from beyond until he crowed his three cries. Judas put a noose 
round his own neck, and put himself in a hard gibbet." This 
account differs in a marked degree from the Greek Acta, and may 
be based on an independent version. 5 

A Latin version from a late twelfth century MS. in Jesus 
College, Oxford, agrees with the Irish, but disagrees with the 
Greek, in making Judas deny the possibility of a resurrection. In 
like strain runs a passage in the fourteenth century Northumbrian 
poem Cursor Mundi, line 15,961 ff. 6 

3 Patrologia Orientalis, t. II., fasc. 2, p. 156. 

4 Patr. Orient., op. cit., p. 157; Travels of M. de Thevenot into the 
Levant (London, 1687), Part I., Chap. 75. 

5 Eriu, III., pp. 194-9. 

6 Early English Text Society (Orig. Ser.), ciii., pp. xxviii, xlvii, 68; 
Journal of British Archaeological Association, Vol. xxxvii., p. 241. In 
the Life of St. Dominich of the Causeway occurs a curious version of 
the story in connection with a pilgrim who has been hung unjustly. 
See Journal Brit. Arch. Assn., Vol. xxxi., p. 431. 



In the Leabhar Breac — 222 b 25 — the episode appears 
again. Here the woman is Judas 's mother (of whom, be it noted, 
curious legends are told in apocryphal and medieval literature). 
She upbraids him for betraying Christ and foretells His resurrec- 
tion. Judas angrily replies : ' I swear and assert by the pure and 
mighty mysteries of the Hebrews that sooner and more swiftly 
will the cock that is boiled in the pot rise up, and it stripped of 
its head, feet, entrails and feathers, than will Christ rise from the 
dead. ' At this the cock flies out as in life to the ridge-pole of the 
house, and there crows as cheerfully as if it were telling of the 
resurrection. It is then stated that according to ' the translation 
of the Greeks from Hebrew into Latin,' this was the very cock 
that had crowed at St. Peter's denial. 

Dr. Douglas Hyde has given a metrical translation of an Irish 
poem which he had picked up orally from an old man at a Feis in 
Galway. In it the guard takes the place of Judas 's wife. Mary 
Magdalen comes to the tomb on the morning of the Resurrec- 
tion, but finding no trace of the body timidly interrogates one of 
the soldiers as to its whereabouts. He replies: — 

" I kept watch and kept ward, 
Why seek ye the truth to smother ? 
I've a nice little cock which boils here in my pot, 
And the one is as dead as the other, 

" I've a nice little cock which boils here in my pot, 
While the camp looks on and sees us; 
And until the cock rises out of the pot 
He never shall rise, your Jesus." 

Upon which the cock flies out of the pot, clapping its wings and 
crowing loudly. A very similar story, with the omission of Mary 
Magdalene, comes from the borders of Sligo and Donegal. In it 
the resuscitated bird crows thrice, and says each time (spelt 
phonetically), " Moc an o-o-o-ye slaun, i.e., Son of the Virgin, 
Hail! " Dr. Hyde also gives a bald version in Scotch Gaelic: 
That cock which you have in the pot pounded as fine as 
cabbage, the liar shall not leave the tomb until it crows upon the 
beam." 7 

But it is not in literature and folklore alone that the story of 
the cock and pot is preserved in Ireland. The emblem is found 
carved on numerous old tombstones — e.g., on one in St. Canice's 
Cathedral, dated 1549, while an exceedingly lively bird may be 

7 Hyde, Legends of Saints and Sinners, pp. 76-8; /. B. S. A. I., Vol. 
VII., Part 2, p. 193. An English ballad which connects the cock episode 
with the Wise Men and their visit to Herod will be found in B. H. 
Cowper, Apoc. Gospels, p. xlii. 


seen on the covering-slab of the ornate MacCreagh monument in 
Lismore Cathedral, dated 1557, an illustration of which is given 
in the Journal R. 8. A. L, Vol. XXXIV., p. 311. Here, as else- 
where, it forms one of the emblems of the Crucifixion, and so is 
apparently connected with the J udas story. It is also to be found 
on numerous tombstones of the close of the eighteenth and first 
half of the nineteenth centuries. The writer has seen in many an 
old churchyard upright slabs of the above periods on which the 
.emblems of the Passion were depicted, and amongst these the 

Fig. 1. Fig. 2. 

Carvings of the Cock and Pot. (Scale 1/5.) 
See Nos. 2 and 5 in Note. 

cock makes its appearance in almost every instance. Sometimes 
it is represented as standing on a low block or pillar, sometimes on a 
nondescript object, and often on what is unmistakably a round- 
bodied, three-legged pot, such as hangs over the open hearth in 
every farmer's kitchen. In strictness, no doubt, we must dis- 
tinguish between two birds, that on an undoubted pillar or block 
representing the cock that crew at St. Peter's denial, but it is 
very doubtful if such a hard-and-fast distinction was made by 
the stone-cutter, who probably worked according to the fancy that 
came into his mind, and who cared little whether he represented 
a Biblical episode or an apocryphal one. 




Carvings of the " Cock and Pot " appear at the following 
places : — 

1. New Abbey, Co. Kildare, on the FitzEustace Altar Tomb, 
1496. (Illustrated in the Journal of the Kildare Archaeological 
Society, Vol III., p. 304.) 

2. Eathmore, Co. Meath, on the Plunkett Altar Tomb, 1531, 
(Illustrated in the Journal of the Association for the Preservation 
of the Memorials of the Dead, Vol. VII. , p. 435.) (See Fig. 1.) 

3. St. Canice's Cathedral, Kilkenny, on the Purcell Slab, 

4. Lismore Cathedral, Co. Waterford, on the MacCreagh Altar 
Tomb, 1557. (Illustrated in the Journal R. 8. A. I., Vol. 
XXXIV., p. 311.) 

5. Kilree, Co. Kilkenny, on the Comerford Altar Tomb, 1624. 
(See Figure 2.) 

6. Taghmaconnell, Co. Roscommon, on the Crucifixion Slab 
at St. Ronan's Well. (Illustrated in the Journal B. 8. A. I., 
Vol. XLIX., p. 155.) 



By Charles McNeill, Fellow. 

[Eead 25 January, 1916.] 

In opening up a decayed and congested area of the city during 
the year 1915 the Corporation of Dublin removed an old house 
that extended over a covered footway between a cul-de-sac named 
Lamb Alley and the narrow part of the thoroughfare now and 
for some time known as Cornmarket, though it was not part of 
the ancient market-place. Formerly this narrow thoroughfare 
bore the opprobrious name of Cut Purse Row, and was the 
approach from Thomas Street and the western suburbs to the 
New Gate of Dublin. When the old house above the footway was 
removed, a remnant of the gate -house was exposed to view — a 
piece of the wall of a circular tower which had once contained 
a circular stone stair. The outer side of this piece of wall had 
always been visible on one side of the covered passage, and was 
pointed out as part of the ancient city prison of Newgate. It 
will be found so mentioned in accounts of Dublin from Gilbert's 
History of Dublin (1861) to Chart's Story of Dublin (1907). The 
historical association of this fragment of wall is, consequently, 
well enough established, and the municipal authorities very 
properly allowed it to remain standing, as one of the too scanty 
vestiges of old Dublin, when the later building with which it 
had been incorporated was taken down. It now stands apart, in 
plan rather more than a quarter of a circle, about 8 feet high, 
and on its inner side it shows the holes into which the ends of 
the stone steps were fitted. No doubt, much more considerable 
remains are concealed under the present surface of the ground, 
for the towers of the New Gate rose out of a deep ditch; but 
what has been described is all that can be seen at present to mark 
the position of what for several centuries was an important 
public building, not only the principal gate on the west, but the 
city prison also. 

It cannot be determined exactly from any document as yet 
produced at what time the New Gate was first built. The name 
of New Gate was attached to it from, the end of the twelfth 
century until it was finally pulled down at the end of the 
eighteenth. Harris has stated that the foundation charter of the 
Hospital of S. John Baptist without the New Gate gives pregnant 
testimony that the gate was in existence as early as 1188. 1 This, 

1 History of Dublin (1766), 69. 



however, is a mistake, for it is not in the foundation charter of 
1188, but in a confirmation obtained in 1320 that the name of the 
New Gate is found. 2 But there is evidence, even earlier than 
1188, that there was a gate in this quarter. The charter of 
S. Thomas' Abbey, dated 1179, speaks of the "western gate." 3 
There was then, evidently, but one western gate, though after- 

wards there were two, New Gate, between the old Corn Market 
and Thomas Street, and the gate variously styled Wormwood, 
Ormond or Gormund's Gate at the western end of Cook Street. 
That New Gate was the original western gate is clearly estab- 
lished by two early grants made by the city. The first of these 
was made at the request of John de Curci while he was jus- 
ticiary — that is, not before 1179 nor later than 1189 — and con- 
veyed to one Henry Mausanure " the western gate of Dublin for 
him and his heirs to dwell in." Mausanure did not long enjoy 

2 Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum, 214. 
% Chartae, Privilegia et Immunitates, 2. 


possession, for while John Lackland was as yet only Count of 
Mortain and Lord of Ireland — that is, before 27th May, 1199 r 
the city conveyed the premises to Roger de Limminstr', describing 
them on this occasion as " the place over the New Gate towards' 
the west of Dublin as one goes to the church of S. Thomas, which 
place we formerly gave to Henry Mousanore at the request of 
John de Curci, who was then our Justiciary." 4 These docu- 
ments prove clearly that the " western gate " and " the new 
gate towards the west " were identical not only in position but 
in structure, for what was granted to de Limminstr' was the self- 
same place as had been granted to Mausanure or Mousanore; and 
consequently the different names of the gate cannot be ascribed 
to a rebuilding in the interval between the grants. The building, 
therefore, was as old as 1189 at least, and might have been in 
existence before 1177. Naturally, as the city was most accessible 
on the western side, the first care of the Anglo-Normans after 
they had taken possession would be to strengthen the defences 
there, and the presumption is that the New Gate was a recon- 
struction in the early years of the invasion on the site of a similar 
work of the Norse period. That in this reconstruction some part 
of the former gate was retained may be deduced from a record of 
1261 which mentions " the old tower of the New Gate," 5 which 
tower, it may be inferred from another reference, was on the city 
side of the gate-house and at its northern angle. 6 Roger de Asshe- 
bourne, who was mayor several times, obtained from the city a 
grant in perpetuity of ' ' the towers upon the New Gate with build- 
ings, cellars, easements and all appurtenances as well near to as 
upon them, with the exception of two arches in the Gate, of which 
others are enfeoffed "; the yearly rent reserved was 40s., and 
the city undertook to repair the stonework of the towers. 7 In 
1294 Asshebourne had another grant by which in addition to the 
two arches under the gate, the cellars also were excepted and a 
right of entry and exit for defence of the city was reserved. 

In these early years the upper part of the gate-house appears 
as the residence of important persons, such as the protege of a 
viceroy and a mayor of the city; a noisy residence it must have 
been with the stream of heavy traffic passing under the archway 
and the stir of the adjoining market within the city and the fair 
green without. But its high windows had then a pleasant out- 
look towards the west over green fields, gardens and woods; close 
at hand on the right was S. John's Hospital with its massive 
tower; further off, on the left, were the Abbey church, conven- 
tual buildings and groves of Thomas-court; and in the distance, 
the group of separate buildings which formed the priory of the 

4 Gilbert, Historical and Municipal Documents of Ireland, 56. 

5 Cal. Anc. Bee. Dublin, i., 92. 6 lb., 100. 7 lb. 107. 

Plate XXIV] 

[To face page 154 

(From Photographs taken by G, D. Gray.) 



Knights Hospitallers at Kilmainham. On each side of the gate- 
house within the walls Asshebourne held pieces of ground, with 
free use of the city wall and the grass of the city ditch. His 
descendants continued in possession certainly until 1359 8 and 
probably much later. 

According to Gilbert, 9 as a result of Richard HI.'s grant of 
1485, by which the Eecorder and the Mayor of Dublin were con- 
stituted Justices of Oyer and Terminer and gaol delivery for the 
city with power to the Mayor and Sheriffs to have a gaol in any 
part of the city, the gaol was then first established at New Gate. 
It would be wrong, however, to suppose that this was the first 
gaol of the city. Under the earliest charters there was already 
the right to have a gaol, which in the thirteenth century stood 
near- the city wall between S. Werburgh Street and the Castle of 
Dublin. 10 In 1309 an attempt was made to take away this right, 
but was defeated. 11 The right, therefore, did not originate with 
Richard's grant; but the transfer of the gaol from its old position 
near S. Werburgh 's to New Gate may well have resulted from 
the new arrangement, and that it took place at this time is sup- 
ported by an entry in the Chain Book during the mayoralty of 
Janico Marcus, 1486-7, as follows: — 

' ' Memorandum : That these bene the instrumentes of irynn 
bought upon the Tresory costes and delyvered to Janico Marcus, 
Maire, Thomas Benet and Robert Blanchevile, Bailliffes of the 
cite of Dyvelyn : In primis iii sheres, 12 ii kyves, 13 ii boltes with iiii 
colleres, 1 bolte with iii poynetes u for men handes, iii shaglis 15 
for men legges, i grete chayne the wiche weyth viii stone xii li 
and di, and they to delyver them to ther successors at ther de- 
parting. Item, ii sheres weyng ii stone iii quarters. Item, ii 
yookis 16 with vi collers weyng i stone xiii li. Item, v 
pair maniclis weyng i stone ii li di. Item, iiii stok- 
lockys 17 uponn the dorres. Item, ii hangyng lockes. 17a Item, vi 
boltes irynn uponn the dorres aboo. Item, v boltes with collers 
that weyth iii stone i li and di. Item, iii shaglis, weyng i stone. 
Item . . . ." 18 

There is a later list, of 1525-6, which throws some further 
light on the arrangements at New Gate. There were at that 
time " fowr boltes for men legges with ther shakkles, i bolte for 
chylder with ii shakkles, a payr sheres for men legges, a bolt with 

8 Cal. Anc. Bee. Dublin, i., 120. 

9 Hist. Bub., i., 257. 

10 Tresham, Bot. Pat. et Claus, Calend., 3, no>. 4° 

11 Hist, and Munic. Doc. Ireland, 230. 

12 Shears, Gilbert; but perhaps "sera/ 5 a lock, a bolt; here, a leg- 

13 Gyves, G. 14 Points, G., but obviously connected with Fr. 
poignet, cuffs, i.e., handcuffs. 15 Shackles. 16 Yokes. 17 Stock- 
locks. 173 Padlocks. 

is C. A. B. D., i., 237. 


iiii collers for men nekkes, a clynchyng hambyr, 19 a key for the 
hall dorre, 20 a key for the chamber dorre, one hanging lok with 
a key, ij keys for both dongeons beneth, ij keys for the gret 
gatt," 21 

We have here certain particulars, which with the description 
supplied in a survey of 1585 22 enable us to form a fair idea of the 
building. It consisted of a gate-house between two towers on the 


Fig. 1. Sketch-plan of the New Gate from a map in possession of the 
Corporation of Dublin. 

western front, each 12 feet square on the inside, with walls 5 feet 
thick and rising 40 feet from the pavement to the leads of the 
roof, over which there was on each a garette or outlook turret. 
They were divided into three stories, each room had two loop- 
holes, and only the lowest room was vaulted. The gate-house 
itself, through which the roadway ran, was 15 feet wide by 40 feet 
long, which seem to be inside measurements. The " hall " or 
common day-room was, no doubt, the apartment of the second 
story above the gate, somewhat wider than the lower story, by 
the usual set off in the side walls, but shorter by the space taken 

Clinching hammer. 20 The door of the hall or day room. 
21 C. A. B. D., i., 249. 22 lb., ii., 554. 



up by the windlass chamber of the portcullis and passage between 
the towers. The third story would be " the chamber " or common 
sleeping room. The lowest story of the flanking towers, the 
•cellars of Asshebourne's time, had been converted into dungeons 
in the later period. Such light and air as reached them came 
through narrow slits opening on the fosse or city ditch, 19 feet 
•deep, which at the time of the survey was no longer grass-grown, 
but had become the receptacle for the filth and refuse of the 
prison and the neighbouring tenements both within and without 
the city. 

The condition of the prisoners, as in all close prisons in the 
Middle Ages, must have been exceedingly miserable. Confined 
together, men, women and children in two common rooms, at 
times shackled and bolted, as many as four or even six together, 
held fast by iron collars, clinched by the clinching hammer to an 
iron bar lest they should escape, even the very children shackled, 
they spent the time of their confinement in unspeakable filth and 
squalor. If unhappily they were destitute and had no relatives or 
friends, starvation was added to their other hardships. The 
municipality did not until a comparatively late period supply even 
the bare necessaries of life; for these the prisoners had to 
trust to the alms of charitable persons. 23 It was, perhaps, a 
reason for removing the city prison from the less frequented 
neighbourhood of S. Werburgh's to the busy New Gate that the 
prisoners, taking their turn in a lower chamber on the pavement 
level, might solicit alms at a grated opening, both for their own 
relief and the gaoler's profit. 

The first gaoler mentioned by name held office in 1512, 24 after 
which date the appointments, and often the misdemeanours, of 
these officers begin to be regularly noticed. One of them, Richard 
Stanton, has attained celebrity by Stanihurst 's lively account of 
his defence of the gate in 1534 against Silken Thomas. The 
assailants, says Stanihurst, " planted a falcon right against the 
New Gate and, it discharged, pearsed the Gate and kild an 
apprentice of Thomas Stephans, Alderman, as he went to fetch a 
basin of water from the High Pipe, which by reason the springs 
were damd up was at that time drie. Richard Stanton, com- 
monlie called Dicke Stanton, was then Gailor of the New Gate, a 
good servitor and excellent markeman, as his valiant service at 
that time did approve. . . . He perceived one of the enimies 
levelling at the window or spike at which he stood; but whether 
it were that the rebell his pouder failed him or .some gimboll or 
other was out of frame, Stanton took him so trulie for his marke 

23 " The poore prisoners, both of the Newgate and the Castell, with 
three or foure hospitals are chieflie if not onelie relieved by the citi- 
zens." Stanihurst, quoted C. A. B. D., ii., 541. 

24 C. A. B. D., i., 247. 


as he strake him with his bullet full in the forehead under the brim 
of his skull and withall turned up his heeles. Stanton, not satis- 
fied with his death, issued out of the wicket, strip t the varlet 
mother naked and brought in his peece and his attire." 25 The 
rebels then endeavoured to burn the gate by firing faggots heaped 
against it; but the citizens shouting from the walls that the 
King's army had arrived, made a vigorous sally and put the dis- 
mayed multitude to flight. 

Whatever Stanton's prowess on this occasion may have been r 
the city records do not bear out the statement that he was at that 
time gaoler of New Gate. He had held the post in 1530, 1531, 
and 1532, 26 but in 1533 he was replaced by John Freu, 27 and in 
1534, the year of the rebellion, he was not gaoler but water-bailiff 
and sergeant attendant on the mayor. He was sergeant, though 
perhaps not continuously, until 1553, and next year was pensioned 
off with an annuity of £6 13s. 4d., 28 the equivalent of at least 
£100, pre-war value, a pregnant testimony, as Harris might say, 
of meritorious service. 

The gaolers of New Gate were appointed by the city; they 
were bound to indemnify the sheriffs against escapes, &c, but 
they were paid no salary; they paid themselves by the sums they 
wrung from their prisoners either as fees or for services supposed 
to be rendered, and there is no evidence that there was an effec- 
tive check on their rapacity. An official scale of fees, small protec- 
tion as it must be in such a case, does not appear until 1746. 2F 
Indeed, the city authorities were, as the Parliamentary Com- 
mittee of 1729 alleged, accomplices in the plunder; they required 
the gaoler to keep the buildings in repair at his own expense, and 
even in making a new appointment covenanted that the applicant 
should defray the cost of repairing previous dilapidations. 30 They 
went so far as to promise to send prisoners in greater number to 
New Gate in order that the gaoler should have the means of meet- 
ing the necessary outlay. 31 It is not surprising that under this 
system the gaolers spent as little as possible, and the building 
went steadily to ruin. In 1598 the walls and roofs were found 
to be in great ruin and decay, although £20 had been allowed 
for repairs. 32 In 1600 a report was obtained that barely necessary 
repairs would cost £52 10s. 33 In 1604 Edward Orton or Horton, 
a decayed merchant, was chosen " in hoope that he will use that 
place of gaioler carefully and behave himself honnestly [in thel 
exercyse of that place, and withall he keape the castell and 
precincte of that place in good reparation, provide himselfe good 
decent apparraile to attend Mr. Maior and the courte as apper* 

25 Holinshed's Chro7iicles (1808), vi., 297. 

26 C. A. B. J)., i., 395, etc. 27 lb., 397. 28 lb., 440. 
29 lb., ix., 178, 203. 30 lb., ii., 148. 31 lb., 197. 
32 lb., ii., 225, 316. 33 lb., 360. 



taineth to his [office]." 34 Orton was no sooner installed than he 
sent in a petition for repairs. The Assembly ordered that what 
was necessary should be done, and at the same time required him 
to find security to keep the premises in good plight at his own 
expense. 35 Nothing apparently was done, for Orton kept sending 
in petitions until at last he reported that " a good parte is already 
fallen, and more like to fall, whereby imminent danger maie 
ensue if speedie remedie be not taken for the repaireing there- 
of." 36 In 1631, William Baggot, whose house adjoined the gaol, 
prayed that some course might be taken to prevent the downfall 
of New Gate, which at that moment was ready to fall to the great 
loss and detriment of him, his wife and family. 37 Nevertheless, 
it was not until 1651 that the work was taken in hand seriously. 
At that time, out of a loan obtained from Cromwell's substantial 
friend, Alderman Hutchinson, £250 was allocated for rebuilding 
New Gate: it cost £476 Is. 8d. to complete it. 38 Harris 39 states 
on the authority of Eichard Ware that during this reconstruction 
two towers on the city side of the gate-house were pulled down. 
There is no mention, however, of these inner towers in the Survey 
of 1585, perhaps because it was concerned with external defences 
only. That there had been at least one inner tower is shown by 
Austin Cooper in his plan of the foundations uncovered in 1782, 
but according to that plan the three corner towers were circular, 
though, if the Survey was accurate the two outer ones at least 
were originally square. There is nothing to show that the general 
arrangement of the prison was altered at this reconstruction. 

In 1691, the need for increased accommodation was recog- 
nised, and the city began to acquire ground to enlarge the gaol. 
A house and buildings extending from New Gate to Cook Street 
were bought; 40 Baggot's premises, already alluded to, were taken 
in, 41 Jeremy Donovan's " castle " and ground, which is illus- 
trated by Grose as Brown's Castle and wrongly identified with 
" The Black Dog," were added in 1698; and the whole area thus 
acquired was extensive enough to afford space for a market, so 
that the neighbouring streets and passages might be cleared of 
obstruction. 42 In 1706 the Black Dog Yard was bought to extend 
the market, to which the name of New Hall Market had been 
given. 43 The space thus devoted to public uses extended from 
the back of the houses on the north side of New Gate to the back 
of those in Cook Street and from the city wall on the west to the 
eastern side of Black Dog Yard. Beyond making the Black Dog 
premises an adjunct to New Gate, as well as a debtor's prison, 
the space acquired does not seem to have been utilised for improv- 

34 C. A. B. J)., ii., 425. 35 lb., 428. 36 lb., Hi., 131. 

37 lb., Hi., 255. 38 lb., iv., 1, 2, 6. 

39 History of Dublin, 68 . 40 C. A. B. J)., v., 515. 41 lb., vi., 61. 

42 lb., 194, 197. 43 lb., 354. 


ing the prison. The whole structure was beginning to be regarded 
as a nuisance. It was no longer of any military importance. The 
city had extended westward, and, near the church of S. James 
a gate had been erected whose site is still known as James's Gate. 
New Gate was now in the heart of the city, and its low and 
narrow entrance must have been a serious inconvenience. In 
1705 it was ordered " that the gates and portcullises at Newgate 
be forthwith taken downe by Richard Mills and disposed of [as] 
the city shall thinke fitt, and that the passage through Newgate 
be made wider and the west arch taken downe and made higher 
and such other necessary things to be done relative to the said 
gate as Mr. Treasurer shall think fitt calling to his assistance the 
said Richard Mills." 44 

In 1729 the Irish House of Commons appointed a committee 
to enquire into the state of the gaols of the kingdom. 46 The 
committee found that John Hawkins, keeper both of New Gate 
and the Sheriff's Marshalsea, had been appointed in 1721, being 
then required to pay £250 to his predecessor, removed for per- 
mitting prisoners to escape. This sum, the committee suppose 
the previous keeper had given as a gratuity to the Lord Mayor 
and Sheriffs. Hawkins received £10 a year as salary as keeper 
of Newgate, but he generally paid £20 or 20 gs. a year to the 
sub-sheriff on account of the Marshalsea. He drove a great trade 
in liquor with the prisoners, and required every prisoner that 
came even for a single night to the Black Dog to pay 2s. 2d. for 
a penny pot." The contribution was levied by the agency of 
prisoners sentenced to transportation, who went freely among the 
debtors and abused, beat violently and stripped the recalcitrant in 
order to sell their clothes for the penny pot. The Black Dog con- 
tained twelve rooms for prisoners; two of them held five beds 
each, the others were so small that they held but one; but as 
many as four or five persons were put to lie in a single bed, and, 
no matter how many they were, each paid 12d. a night. The 
committee, reckoning from a slack time, when not more than two 
persons occupied the same bed, found these rents to exceed £400 
a year. A prisoner unable to pay his rent was " instantly hawled 
down to a dungeon which has no light but what comes through 
a common sewer, and is a room of about 12 feet square and 8 feet 
high "; frequently fourteen and sometimes twenty persons, men 
and women, were shut up all night in this cell, which, per anti- 
phrasin, was called the Nunnery. 

In Newgate itself, which was for criminals exclusively, the 
*' penny pot " fee was Is. 4d., with a charge of 4d. extra each 
night to escape being thrown into the felons' room. By collusion 

44 Monday Boohs, 5 June, 1705, in Gilbert Collection. 
46 Journals, viii., 1037. 



between Hawkins and the constables persons were often brought 
in and detained for some days without any committal. A fee of 
2s. 6d., and sometimes more, was exacted from these victims. 
The person who did not pay was stripped of his clothes, beaten 
and barbarously used, and sometimes put into bolts. At the time 
of the inquiry there were 160 prisoners in New Gate, of whom 40 
were awaiting trial. " In the felons' rooms the committee saw 
a multitude of wretched objects lying naked upon the ground, 
perishing from cold and hunger, and there are many there now 
who sometimes for four days successively have not had any sort 
of sustenance. 

" The extortions and cruelties exercised upon persons com- 
mitted here are, if possible, greater than those in the Black Dog; 
for none are sent to this prison but those of the poorer sort, who 
are not worth fleecing in the said Black Dog; and if a fresh 
prisoner has anything to subsist on at his entrance, he is soon 
plundered by the said Bullard [the under keeper], who claims 4d. 
a night from every person who lies out of the common room, as 
also Is. 4d. for a penny pot, of which the prisoner has no share. 
Upon failure of payment, the wretch is beaten, stripped, and, 
what is worst of all, turned in to starve among the felons. Of 
this an instance appeared to the committee, viz., of a man in a 
violent fever thrown in there quite naked, because he had not 8d. 
to pay for two nights' lying in another place. The stench of this 
room is so overpowering and insupportable that the committee 
could not possibly stay in it above half a minute." 

The keeper's receipts from both prisons were estimated at 
£1,163 Os. 6d. on admitted fees alone; besides which were 
** infinite extortions on all the above articles and on Crown 
prisoners for permitting them to lye in the Black Dog gaol and 
not turning them over to Newgate and loading them with irons; 
premiurns for stolen goods and other private perquisites peculiar 
to his employment, not to be computed or valued." 

The committee made no more exact report on the buildings 
than is contained in the incidental references found in the 
passages that have been cited. Everyone in Dublin knew what 
New Gate was, and it was needless to describe it. 47 

In 1732 a sum of £464 was presented for repairing the gaol, 
but when operations were begun it was found more ruinous than 
had been expected; the towers " proved rotten," and one of them 

47 A poetaster of the time exercised his wit in two compositions con- 
nected with the prisons — " The Humours of the Black Dog " and 
" Tom in the Suds, or the Humours of Newgate." The latter, published 
in 1737, begins : 

" Dread not, my Muse, the Task pursue; 
See Castle Connor in our view." 
Castle Connor, it is explained, is " the Blackguard term for Newgate ; 
by others it is called Castle Rag." 


had to be pulled down altogether; these and other unforeseen 
works entailed a further outlay of at least £500. " 48 Among the 
improvements then effected was the making of a footway " six 
feet in the clear, free from any steps, shop-windows or buildings," 
along the south wall of the gate-house, so that foot passengers 
should no longer have to jostle with vehicles and beasts in the 
15 feet wide main passage below the arches. A footway outside 
the south wall had been contemplated since 1726, and is marked 
as reserved on the map of that date attached to one of the Cor- 
poration leases. The width then proposed was only 3 feet, but 
in 1732 the occupying tenant surrendered an additional 3 feet 


in as 


Fig. 2. Sketch-plan showing the footway constructed in 1732 
from a map in possession of the Corporation of Dublin. 

on condition of obtaining a small street frontage at a nominal 
rent. It was now possible to leave the main side wall of the gate- 
house and prison intact, but half of the guard-room in the tower 
of the S. W. angle was carried away, as is very clearly shown in 
Austin Cooper's plan at C. The remaining half was let at a 
peppercorn rent for 31 years to Daniel McMullan, who had given 
part of the ground for the new footway, 49 and the piece of wall 
now standing is what is left of that remainder. 

These were the last considerable repairs made to the ancient 
structure; the opinion which in 1727 found expression in the 
assembly that it should be pulled down and the gaol placed in a 
more suitable situation at length prevailed. A committee of the 
Corporation, appointed in 1767 to consider of a proper and con- 

48 C. A. B. D., viii., 78. 49 lb., 58. 



venient place for the gaol of New Gate, recommended the Little 
Green on the north side of the city as a fit place for building a 
new gaol, that piece of ground being Corporation property and 
long waste. 50 Here, accordingly, the foundation of a new gaol 
was laid in 1773 and in 1780 it was opened. 51 The old gaol was 
thereupon disused, and in January, 1782, at an assembly meet- 
ing, it was 

" Eesolved unanimously that it is the opinion of the Sheriffs 
and Commons that the old building at Cornmarket, commonly 
called Newgate, should be immediately pulled down, the same 
being a nuisance, and that a message be sent to the Lord Mayor 
and Board of Aldermen requesting their concurrence therewith." 




S. Govern- 
cY*'$ room. 

C SKop with 

- — .over \t . 

Fig. 3. Austin Cooper's plan of the New Gate in 
1782, showing at C the portion now extant. 

The concurrence of the upper house was duly signified, and 
was accompanied by directions that a map or survey of the site 
he made and lodged in the Town Clerk's office, and that adver- 
tisements be published inviting proposals " for the pulling down 
and purchasing the materials of the said gaol." 52 

The work of demolition was begun in August, 1782, as Austin 
•Cooper noted in his diary: — 

" 8 Aug. 1782. Passing under Newgate, I observed that they 
had just begun to pull it down. I paid it many visits since, which 
has enabled me to make the following observations : 

" Mr. Harris's History tells us that it consisted of four towers, 
and upon being repaired at the time of the usurpation the two 

50 C. A. 11. D., xi., 389. 

51 Gilbert's History of Dublin, i., 274. In saying that " the old gaol 
in Cornmarket " was used after the new gaol at Green Street was 
opened Gilbert confuses " The Black Dog " with " Newgate." 

52 C. A. R. D., xiii., 224. 


towers next the city were thrown down. In this particular I must 
differ, as by the annexed sketch which I took when it was pulling 
down it plainly appears that there was but one taken down, 
which was that on the Ei. corner, and by making a regular front 
on that side and carrying the wall in a direct line before the 
opposite tower a small apartment was gained at A, which formerly 
was the guard-room and the only entrance to the prison. 

" A few years ago the Governor's room was between the two 
towers at B. 

" About the year a footway was opened on the E. side 

and carried through the south tower at C, which caused the 
ground floor of it to be let for a shop (being on a line with the 
adjoining houses) as it was cut off from the other parts; but 
immediately over this shop the cell for condemned felons was 

" I was much surprised to find that the walls of so old and 
durable a building, which undoubtedly would ever resist the 
efforts of time, were only four feet thick — a proof of its antiquity 
and good workmanship." 53 

It does not appear that many prisoners of note were confined 
in New Gate, nor was it likely that they should be, since it was 
the city's prison and not the King's. Gilbert is mistaken in his 
statement " that Dr. Oliver Plunkett, Roman Catholic Primate 
of all Ireland, was committed to Newgate in December, 1679, and 
confined there till . . . October, 1680." 54 The New Gate 
in his case was that of London. While a prisoner in Dublin he 
was, as a prisoner of State, lodged in Dublin Castle until sent off 
to London on 24th October, 1680. 

Richard Bagwell fell into a somewhat similar error, being 
possibly misled by Gilbert, when in the biography of Archbishop 
Peter Talbot, which he contributed to the Dictionary of National 
Biographij, he stated that the latter prelate " succumbed in 
Newgate prison, Dublin, about 1 June, 1680. Shortly before his 
death he received absolution from his old antagonist, Plunket, 
who was confined in the same prison." The same prison was, 
undoubtedly Dublin Castle, as is abundantly evident from many 
authoritative papers of the time, 55 and Archbishop Talbot's death 
there is recorded by Dr. John 'Moloney, Bishop of Killaloe, in 
a letter of 13 June, 1681. 56 Another New Gate prisoner men- 
tioned by Gilbert is Henry, 4th Lord Santry, who is said to 

53 Dublin Penny Journal, August, 1902, p. 276. For this reference I 
am indebted to Mr. W. A. Henderson, Member. 

54 Hist. Dub. i. 263. 

55 See Vol. 91, Hist. MSS. Com., being the Cal. of Ormonde MSS., 
N. S. 5 (1908), pp. 15, 24, 92, 185, 460. 

56 In provincia Dublinensi, qui Lagenia dicitur, nostis etiam 
Archiepiscopum in turre Dublinensi . . . obiisse. Spicilegium Ossor- 
iense, ii., 261. Dr. O'Moloney had not heard of the absolution. 



have been committed to this prison in 1739 to await his trial for 
murder, of which he was acquitted. In this instance Gilbert is, 
perhaps, right; though after the Commons' report of 1729 one 
would not expect that a nobleman would be so used. But there 
is no doubt that the notorious Francis Higgins, the Sham Squire, 
spent some time in New Gate, and to that his contemporaries 
attributed some of the accomplishments by which he was dis- 
tinguished afterwards. 

The photographs and plans by which this paper is illustrated 
have been obtained through the helpful courtesy of Mr. M. J. 
Buckley, City Engineer of Dublin, who has taken a great interest 
in the preservation of what remains of New Gate, as in that of 
other civic monuments. To him, and to his obliging staff, the 
writer gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness. 



By the Late G-ustavus E. Hamilton, m.r.i.a. 
[Read 30 November, 1920.] 

TiiE site of the Black Abbey (an Mhainistir Dhubh) of St. Andrew 
in the Ards of Ulster is to be found about two miles to the east of 
the village of Grey Abbey, in the townland of Black Abbey, Parish 
of Grey Abbey, and Barony of Ards Lower. 1 It was founded by 
John de Courcy between a.d. 1177, the year in which he invaded 
Ulster, and a.d. 1204, the year in which he was disgraced and his 
possessions forfeited, 2 as a dependent house of the Benedictine 
Priory of S. Andrew of Stokes (i.e., Stokecourey in Somerset) to 
which he granted ten oarucates 3 of land in the Ards and certain 

De Courcy 's deed of grant was as follows 4 : — 
" Omnibus sanctae Matris Ecclesiae fidelibus, tarn praesentibus 
quam futuris, Francis, Anglis, et Hiberniensibus, Johannes de 
Curceio salutem imperpetuum. Noverit universitas vestra, quod 
ego Johannes de Curceio, obtemptu caritatis, et am ore misere- 
cordis Dei, pro salute domini mei Hfenrici] Regis Angliae et 
Johannis nlii sui, domini Hiberniae 5 ; necnon pro salute mea 

1 In accordance with the Irish convention which regards the south 
and not the north as the top of the map the " lower " of a pair of 
baronies or townlands is usually the northern one; c.f. the usual ex- 
pression, i n-uachtar na h-tlireann, that is, in the south of Ireland. 

2 For the career of John de Courcy see Orpen, Ireland Under the 
Normans, vol. ii., pp. 6-23, 134-144, &c. 

3 Bishop Reeves, in his paper on " The Church of Nendrum or Inis 
Mochaoi," reprinted in Ulster Journal (N.S.), vol. viii., has the follow- 
ing note on the word " carucate " occurring in a charter dated 1194 : 
" Carrucate; i.e., as much land as one plough could labour in a year 
or a year and a day; variously computed in various countries and 
ages at 60, 100, 120, and 180 acres. Here, it probably means 60 acres, as 
a charter of Richard I., quoted in Ducange, specifically explains a carru- 
cate as of that extent. (See Spelman, Glossarium Archaiologicum, p, 
126, London, 1687 ; Ducange, Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis, 
vol. ii., p. 191; Niort, 1883-87; Cowell, The Interpreter, London. 
1658.) " A carucate was probably equivalent to a seisreach or plough- 
land, and as we know that there were about 66,240 seisreachs in Ireland 
(Keating, I. T. S. Book i., Section 3; Joyce, Soc. Hist., vol. ii, p. 372), 
and that there are now about 64,000 townlands, a townland corresponds 
roughly to a seisreach, which contained 120 old Irish acres (=about 
300 English acres) of profitable land. The average area of a townland is 
about 325 English acres. 

4 Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. ii., p. 1019 (Ed. 1661). 

5 Henry II. constituted his son, John, then a boy in the tenth year 
of his age, Dominus Hiberniae in May, 1177 (Orpen, op. cit., vol. ii., 
p. 31). 

Plate XXV] 

[To face page 166 

(From a General Description of Ulster, A.D., 1609;. 


dedi, concessi, et praesenti Charta confi'rmavi Deo et sancto 
Andrea© de Stokes, et Monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, decern 
carucatas terra©, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in terra de L'art; 6 
soil, in terra Maccolqua. 7 Et praeter hoc omnes decimas de omni 
meo dominico, ab aqua de Darnart, 8 usque in aquam de Carling- 
ford, 9 exceptis decimis de istis duobus Castellis; viz. Archen, 10 et 
Oniaht; 11 tenendas de me et heredibus meis ... in puram, 
liberam, et perpetuaim elemosinam, 12 ab omni servicio temporali, 
et exactione seculari solutam . . . ." On June 11, 1204, Pope 

6 Ard Uladh, the Ards of Ulster, which comprised the present 
Baronies of Ards Upper and Lower. 

7 This seems to be the tuath of Clann Breasail Mac Duileachdin. 
The name Mac Duileachdin seems to appear as Makfulchiane or 
Makgoulchane in Barbour's Bruce, Early Eng. Text Soc, vol. iii., p. 339, 
quoted by Mr. Orpen in Journal B. S. A. I., 1914, p. 54. In Ulster an 
aspirated D after Mac in surnames is often corrupted into C, c.f., 
Mac Connell for Mac Dhomhnaill, and Mac Conkey for Mac Dhonn- 
chaidh; De Bhulbh, Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall. 

8 Mr. Orpen, in Journal, 1914, p. 52, has shown that " the water of 
Darnart " is the River Freaghabhail (Ravel), which formed part of the 
northern boundary of Dal n Araidhe, which consisted of the present 
Co. Down, and the southern half of Co. Antrim, i.e., the Baronies of 
Toome, Antrim, Upper Glenarm, and Lower Glenarm to about Carn- 
lough, Massareene, Belfast, and Carrickfergus (Onom. Goedel.). 

9 I.e., Carlingford Loch and the Abhainn Ghlinn Bighe (Owen glin 
Ree Fl.), as the Newry River is called in the Map of 1609. 

10 I.e., Ard Caoin (Ardkeen), in the Parish of Ardkeen and Barony 
of Ards Upper. 

11 Mr. Orpen (loc. cit.) has shown that this name is probably a 
misreading of Ouiaht, representing the Irish TJibh Eathach, and that 
the castle of Ui Eathach, called " the castle of Maincove " in the Papal 
Confirmation (q. v. infra), is probably the mote of Dromore, Co. Down. 

12 Tenure in " free and perpetual alms " or frankalmoigne arose 
before the statutes of Edward I., prohibiting the alienation of land 
into mortmain. This tenure is described by Littleton (s. 133) as fol- 
lows :— " Tenant in frankalmoigne is where an abbot, or prior, or 
other man of religion or of Holy Church, holdeth of his land in 
frankalmoigne, that is to say in Latin, in liberam eleemosinam, that 
is, in free almes; and such tenure beganne first in old time. Where a 
man in old time was seised of certain lands or tenements in his 
demesne as of fee, and of the same lands infeoffed on abbot and his 
covent, or prior and his covent, to have and to hold to them and their 
successors in pure and perpetual almes or in frankalmoigne . . . in 
such case the tenements were holden in frankalmoigne/' The services 
which those who held under this tenure were to render to their feudal 
lord are stated in section 135 (?>):—" And they which hold m frankal- 
moigne are bound of right before God to make orisons, prayers, 
masses, and other divine services for the souls of their grantor or 
feoffor and for the souls of their heirs which .are dead, and tor the 
prosperity and good life and good health of their heirs which are alive. 
And therefore, they shall do no fealty to their lord because that this 
divine service is better for them before God than any doing of fealty ; 
and also because that these words (frankalmoigne) exclude the lord 
to have any earthly or temporal service, but to have only divine and 
spiritual service to be done for him." In case of non-performance 
under this tenure, the complaint should, according to Littleton, be to 
their Ordinary or Visitor " (s. 136). 


Innocent III. issued a confirmation 13 " to the Prior and monks of 
S. Andrew, Stokes, of their possessions .... in Ireland, in 
Ulster, all the churches and benefices of the lordship of John de 
Curci, from the water of Dalnart 14 to that of Kerlingfort, 15 except 
the castle of Maincove, 16 ten carucates of land in Ardes, that is, in 
the land of Maccolochan 17 ; in Dalboing 18 in Hailo, that is, the 
town and church of Arderashac, 19 and ten carucates of land; in 
Kinelmolan, 20 three carucates of land." 

De Courcey's successor in Ulster, namely, Hugh de Lacy, 
created Earl of Ulster in 1205, who died in 1242, made the Black 
Abbey into a " cell " or dependent house of the Benedictine Priory 
of S. Mary of Lonley in Normandy. 21 These French monks re- 
mained in possession until about the year 1350, when the Black 
Abbey was '• dissolved and all its possessions assigned by them to 
the famous Richard Fitz Ralph 22 (Archbishop of Armagh, 1347- 
1360), and to his successors in the See. 23 

The deed of assignment is as follows: — " Noverint universi 
nos Abbatem et Conventum domus et Monasterii beatae Mariae 
de Lonleya Ordinis Sancti Benedict!, Senemanensis diocesis, in 
Normannia, ex unanimi consensu et assensu nostro, dedisse, con- 
cessisse, et hac Carta nostra confirmasse Ricardo Archiepiscopo 
Ardmachano, Hiberniae Primati, et successoribus suis Cellam 
nostram, vel Prioratum nostrum domus nostrae praedictae in 

13 Cal. of Papal Registers, Papal Letters, vol. i., p. 17. For this 
reference I am indebted to Mr. Orpen's Paper in Journal, 1914, p. 52. 

14 v. supra, note 8. 15 v. supra, note 9. 16 v. supra, note 11. 

17 v. supra, note 7. 

18 I.e., Dal m Buain, which consisted of the modern deaneries of 
Hillsborough and Lisburn, namely, the Barony of Upper Massereene 
(except the Parishes of Camlin and Tullyrusk); the Parishes of 
Derryoghy, Lambeg, and Drumbeg, in the Barony of Upper Belfast, 
Co. Antrim; and that part of the Barony of Upper Iveagh, which is 
enclosed by the windings of the R. Lagan; and the Parishes of Drum- 
beg, Drumbo, Lambeg, and Blaris in the Barony of Upper Castle- 
reagh, Co. Down. In later times Dal m Buain was divided into the 
territories of Coill Ultach, Coill Mhairlin and Tuath Dhoire Bolgaigh. 
Vide Onom. Goedel., Reeves, Ecc. Ant.; Fiants, Eliz. No. 4650; Map 
of 1609 entitled " A Generalle Description of Ulster." Coill 
Mhairlin was separated from Coill Ultach and Tuath Dhoire Bolgaigh 
by the Rivers Lagan and Ravarnet. 

19 " Hailo " and " Arderashac " — I cannot identify these places. 

20 This can hardly be Cineal Moain, of which 6 Gairmleadhaigh was 
chief. In the Map of 1609 "Ogvrmelie " is marked on a strip of land 
extending along the E. side of R. Foyle, from Strabane to opposite 
Derry, and bounded on the east by Cnoc an Bhobha and Sliabh na 
Circe. Ard Sratha (Ardstraw) was in Ceneal Moain (Onom. Goedel.). 

21 Mr. Orpen in Journal, 1914, p. 59. 

22 For an account of Archbishop Richard FitzRalph, see Bichard 
Fitzralph of Dundalk, by Rev. James MacCaffrey, Ph.D., in Journal 
Co. Louth Archaeological Society, vol. ii., p. 1. 

23 Dugdale, op. ext., vol. ii., p. 1019. A copy of the deed is preserved 
in the Begistrum Milonis Sweteman, fol. 16, rev. Armagh; Reeves, op. 
cit., p. 16. 



Hibernia; qui quidem Prioratus, seu Cella vocatur Prioratus S. 
Andreae en le Arde, in Ultonia, ©t omnia terras et tenementa 
nostra in Ultonia, cum dominiis, dominicis, serviciis, redditibus 

. Habenda et tenenda omnia et singula supradicta . 
praefato Archiepiscopo, et ejus successoribus, ac suae Ecclesiae 
Armachanae in perpetuum, de capitalibus dominis feodi illius, per 
servicia inde debita, et de jure consueta. " 

Owing to the great decline in Anglo-Norman power in Ulster 
after the invasion of Edward Bruce (a.d. 1315-18) and its virtual 
extinction after the murder of William de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, 
on June 6th, 1333, the possessions of the Priory cannot have been 
of much value either to the French monastery or to the Anglo- 
Norman Archbishop. Archdall 24 says that according to some 
writers, Archbishop Eichard Fitz Ralph gave £200 sterling to the 
Abbot of Lonley for the confirmation of the priory to him. He 
further says that the Black Abbey " was seized into the King's 
hands, as an alien priory, in 1395, and the custody of the same 
was granted to the Archbishop on the 19th of July in that year, at 
a rent of 10 marcs, who annexed it to his see." 25 I do not think 
that this statement can be correct, because if the Black Abbey 
had been dissolved prior to 1360 and its possessions purchased by 
the Archbishop, it was no longer an " alien priory " in 1395, 
Furthermore, the English Act for the dissolution of Alien Priories 
was not passed until 1414 (2 Henry V.). I do not know the date 
of the corresponding Act in Ireland, if there was one, but at any 
rate it is f airly certain to have been later than the English Act. 

In an Inquisition taken at Downpatrick on the 13th of October, 
1623, 26 the jurors found " that Eichard, sometimes Archbishop of 
Ardmagh, purchased, in augment acion of his Bishoprick, the 
Black Priorie of St. Andrewe's, in the Ardes of Ulster, to hold to 
him and his successors in right of his said Bishoprick, as by a 
record produced before us in evidence, exemplified under the Great 
Seale of England, which exemplification wee find in haec verba: — 

24 Monasticon Hibernicum, p. 110. 

25 Quoting as his authority, Ware, Mon. and Bps., p. 84 : " Of the 
Reformed Benedictines, three branches spread themselves into Eng- 
land. The first in order of time were the Cluniacs. This was the 
earliest example of an order within an order; for, it was a completely 
separate organisation within the Benedictine rule, and it possessed 
a large number of dependent houses scattered through Western 
Europe, all under the government of the Arch-abbot of Clugny. The 
order came to England in 1077. It held about 40 houses, most of which 
were founded before the accession of Henry II., the chief of them 
being Lewes Priory : they were all governed by foreigners, and for a 
long time were filled chiefly with foreign monks : they sent contri- 
butions to the parent monastery, and were able to be ' visited ' only 
by the foreign heads of their order. Consequently, the French wars 
often saw them taken into the king's hands as alien priories." Medley, 
English Constitutional History, 3rd ed., p. 553. 

26 Printed by Lowry in The Hamilton Manuscripts, app. xxix. The 
passages quoted occur at p. liii. 


' Jacobus Dei Gra,,' etc. : And wee likewise find that several of 
the Archbishops of Ardmagh have in ancient tyme receaved rents 
out of the said Black Abbay, and that the said Black Abbay and 
the said Black Priorie are one and the same thing." The jurors 
also found " that the Abbot of the late abbaie or religious house 
of monks of the order of St. Benedict, called Black Abbaie, in the 
Great Ardes 27 aforesaid, in the said Countie of Down, at the time 
of the dissolution thereof, was seized of the said abbaie, with the 
appurtenaees, in his demeasne as of fee in right of his said abbaie, 
and that by vertue of the said dissolucion, and of the statute of 
33d King Henry the 8th [Cap. 5], entitled the Act for the Sup- 
pression of Kilmaynham and other Religious Houses, our 
Soveraigne Lord, the King that now is [i.e. James I.], was seized 
of the said abbaie, with the appurtenances, in his demeasne as of 
fee in right of his crowne." 

The de facto owner of the Black Abbey and its possessions at 
the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign was Niall mac Bhriain 
Fhaghartaigh Ui Neill, 28 chief or " captain " of Clann Aodha 
Buidhe Uaehtarach, whose territory included both Upper Clande- 
boy 29 and the Great Ards. He died some time prior to 1603, and 
was succeeded in the chieftainship by his brother, Sir Conn mac 
Bhriain Fhaghartaigh, 30 to the exclusion of his son Tuathal, in 
accordance with the custom of tanistry. This Conn 6 Neill was 
more fortunate than most of his name in that he succeeded in 
saving at least a. portion of his ancestral property. The story of 

27 " The Great Ardes " consisted of the present Barony of Lower 
Ards plus that part of the Barony of Upper Ards north of the Black- 
staff Kiver, i.e., the Parishes of Inishargy, Bally waiter and Bally- 
halbert. " The Little Ardes " consisted of the remainder of the 
Barony of Upper Ards, i.e., the Parishes of Ardkeen, Castleboy, Ard- 
quin, Ballytrustan, Slanes, and Ballyphilip. 

28 Appointed " to be captain of the country of the Upper Clandeboy 
in Ulster/' 16 July, 1590. Fiant, Eliz., No. 5443. His father, Brian 
Faghartach, was so called because he was born when his mother, who 
was a daughter of Mac Artain, chief of Cineal Fhaghartaigh (Bar. of 
Kinelarty, Co. Down), was on a visit to her father's house. See " Irish 
Funeral Oration over Owen O'Neill," Ulster Journal, New Series, 
vol. iii., p. 268. 

29 Clann Aodha Buidhe Uaehtarach, or Upper Clandeboy, corre- 
sponded in area to the present Baronies of Upper and Lower Castle- 
reagh, Co. Down. The territory of Clannaboy was separated from 
Clann Aodha Buidhe Iochtarach, or Lower Clannaboy, by the Biver 
Lagan. The metes and bounds of Clann Aodha Buidhe Uaehtarach are 
set out in the inquisition taken at Ardquin on 4th July, 1605 (printed 
in Inquisitionum in Officio Hot. Can. Hib. Asservatarum Bepertorium, 
vol. ii., Co. Down, Jac. I., No. 2), and the inquisition taken at Down- 
Patrick on 13th October, 1623 (printed in Hamilton Manuscripts, 
app. xxix.). 

30 On March 24, 1586-7, " Con m'Neale oge, Knt.," surrendered the 
lordship of Castlereaghe, Co. Down, Fiant, Eliz., No. 4984, and on 
March 30th, 1587, he was granted " the manor or lordship of Castle- 
reaghe, Co. Down, and all lands and hereditaments belonging to it, 
surrendered by him by the deed of March 24th, 1586-7, the lands of 



how this was managed is amusing. In consequence of a quarrel 
between some of his followers and some soldiers stationed at the 
Castle of Belfast, in which as it happened the O'Neills were in the 
right, Conn was found guilty of levying war against the Queen 
and was arrested and lodged a prisoner in Carrickfergus. This 
took place in the end of the year 1602. After Queen Elizabeth's 
death in March, 1603, the authorities, who were aware that King 
James was inclined to favour the Mac Donells of Antrim and the 
Clann Aodha Buidhe O'Neills because by so doing he honed to 
make> things easier for himself in Ulster, gave Conn " liberty to 
walk at his pleasure (in the daytime) in the streets of Carrick- 
fergus, and to entertain his friends and tenants in any victualling 
house within the towne, having only a single sentinel to keep 
him in custody, and every night delivered him to the Marshall." 

In this state of affairs Hugh Montgomery, 31 the Laird of Braid- 
stane, who saw that Ulster was a good field for the advancement 
of enterprising Scotsmen, " pitched upon the following way 
(which he thought most fair and feazable) to get an estate in lands, 
even with the free consent of the forfeiting owner of them, and 
it was thus." Through his kinsman, Thomas Montgomery of 
Blackstown, who was the owner of a small bark and was in the 
habit of trading with grain and other things to Carrickfergus, the 
Laird sent letters and messages to Conn 6 Neill, and arranged 
that Thomas Montgomery was to effect Conn's escape to Scotland. 
The arrangement was that Thomas Montgomery, who was engaged 

suppressed abbeys excepted. To hold for life, remainder to Hugh 
O Neale, his reputed son, in tail male, remainder to the heirs male of 
the body of Con for ever. To hold by the service of one knight's fee. 
Eendering yearly 250 beeves at the Newrye. He shall answer all 
hostings with 60 kern and 12 horsemen, armed, with victual for 40 
days. If required, he shall find and maintain 60 soldiers instead of 
the payment of beeves. He shall have a moiety of the goods of felons, 
and of amerciaments, waifs, and strays, within the premises. He shall 
be free of all other composition and exactions (saving the queen's pre- 
rogative). He shall not alien for longer terms than life or 21 years on 
pain of forfeiture/' Fiant, Eliz., No. 4985. The O'Neill of Clann 
Aodha Buidhe was inaugurated on the hill of Caisledn Biabhach 
(Castlereagh), in the Parish of Knockbreda, about two miles from 
Belfast; the stone chair on which he sat is now in the Belfast Museum; 
see paper and illustrations, Journal, 1898, p. 254. Conn maC ) Bhriam 
Fhaghartaigh is incorrectly named £f Con mac Neale oge " in the 
Fiants, since Niall 6g was his grandfather and not his father; see the 
pedigree given in the " Funeral Oration," loc. cit. 

31 Descended from a common ancestor with Montgomerie, Earl of 
Eglinton, this Hugh Montgomery was the eldest son of Adam, 5th 
Laird of Braidstane; he was created Baron and Viscount Montgomery 
of the Great Ards, Co. Down, May 3, 1622. and' his grandson, Hugh, 
the 3rd Viscount, was created Earl of Mountalexander, m the same 
County, January 13, 1661. On the death of Thomas, the 5th Earl, m 
1758, the honours became extinct. The family is now represented by 
Montgomery of Grey Abbey, Co. Down, descended from Eobert Mont- 
gomery, the 2nd son of Adam of Braidstane. See the Montgomery 
MSS.; Burke's Landed Gentry, Extinct Peerage. 


to be married to Annas Dobbin, the Town Marshal's daughter, 
should come by night, and as if by main force carry off Conn on 
board the bark, " he making no noise for fear of being stabbed, 
as was reported next day through the town." 

The plot was successful, and the bark arrived before the next 
sunset at Largs, where Conn was met by Patrick Montgomery, 
the Laird's brother-in-law, and a large company of friends and 
retainers, " all well mounted and armed, as was usual in those 
days, to salute the said Conn, to congratulate his happy escape, 
and to attend him to Braidstane, where he was joyfully and cour- 
teously received by the Laird and his Lady, with their nearest 
friends. He was kindly entertained and treated with a due def- 
ference to his birth and quality, and observed with great respect 
by the Laird's children and servants, they being taught so to 
behave themselves." Conn then entered into an indenture of 
agreement with the Laird " that the said Laird should entertain 
and subsist him, the said Con, in quality of an Esq., and also his 
followers in their moderate and ordinary expenses ; should procure 
his pardon for all his and their crimes and transgressions against 
the law (which indeed were not very heinous or erroneous), and 
should get the inquest [by which he had been found guilty of 
levying war against the Queen] to be vacated, and the one-half of 
his [Conn's] estate (whereof Castlereagh and circumjacent lands 
to be a part), to be granted to himself [Conn] by letters patent 
from the King ; to obtain for him that he might be admitted to 
kiss his Majesty's hand, and to have a. general reception into 
favour. ... In consideration whereof, the said Con did agree, 
covenant, grant and assign, by the said indenture, the other one- 
half of all his land estate, to be and enure to the only use and 
behoof of the said Laird, his heirs and assigns. . . . Upon the 
said agreement the said Laird and Con went to Westminster. . . . 
The Laird was there assumed to be an Esq. of the King's body, 
soon after this was knighted .... who made speedy application 
to the. King (already prepared), on which the said Con was graci- 
ously received at Court, and kissed the King's hand, and Sir 
Hugh's petition, on both their behalf s, was granted, and orders 
given, under the Privy Signet, that his Majesty's pleasure therein 
should be confirmed by letters patent, under the Great Seal of 

" Now these affairs, as also Con's escape and journey with Sir 
Hugh, and their errand, took time and wind at Court, notwith- 
standing their .... endeavours to conceal them from the prying 
courtiers (the busiest bodies in all the world in other men's matters 
which may profit themselves), so that in the interim one Sir James 
Fullerton, 32 a great favourite, who loved ready money, and to live 

32 In October, 1588, the Corporation of Dublin ordered that James 
Fullerton was " to have £20, sterling, for teaching the children of 
the citizens for this year. He shall use all diligence, take nothing from 



at Court, more than in waste wilderness in Ulster, and afterwards 
had got a patent clandestinely passed for some of Con's lands, 
made suggestions to the King that the lands granted to Sir Hugh 
and Con were vast territories, too large for two men of their 
degree, and might serve for three Lord's estates, and that his 
Majesty, who was already said to be overhastily liberal, had been 
over-reached as to the quantity and value of the lands, and there- 
fore begged his Majesty that Mr. James Hamilton, 33 who had 
furnished himself for some years last past with intelligence from 
Dublin, very important to his Majesty, might be admitted to a 
third share of that which was intended to be granted to Sir Hugh 
and Con. Whereupon, a stop was put to the passing of the said 
letters patent, which overturned all the progress (a work of some 
months) that Sir Hugh had made to obtain the said orders for 
himself and Con. But the King, sending first for Sir Hugh, 
told him (respecting the reasons aforesaid) for what loss he might 
receive in not getting the full half of Con's estate by that defalca- 
tion, he would compensate him out of the Abbey lands and impro- 
priations, which in a few months he was to grant in fee, they 
being already granted in lease for 21 years ; and that he would also 
abstract out of Con's half the whole great Ardes for his and Mr. 
James Hamilton's behoof, and throw it. into their two shares ; that 
the sea coasts might be possessed by Scottish men who would be 
traders, as proper for his Majestic 's future advantage, the residue, 
to be laid off about Castlereagh (which Con had desired) being too 
great a favour for such an Irishman. 

All this being privately told by the King, was willingly sub- 
mitted to by the said Sir Hugh, and soon after this he and Con 

the children, and have liberty to teach scholars from the country, for 
so much as he may reasonably agree upon with them," Gilbert, Gal. 
Becords of Dublin, vol. ii., p. 219. James Hamilton was his usher. 
It is generally considered that both Fullerton and Hamilton were 
really sent to Dublin by the Scottish Court as secret agents, to obtain 
the consent of the Irish nobility to James VI. 's right of succession to 
Elizabeth, but this is denied by Urwick, Early History of Trinity 
College, Dublin, p. 9, quoting Mac Cree's Life of Andrew Melville. 
Their subsequent careers would suggest that they were more politicians 
than pedagogues, and, at any rate, they were afterwards employed 
by James to negotiate on his behalf. They were both among the first 
Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin, in 1593-4. Fullerton was ultimately 
sent as Ambassador to France (Stubbs' Hist. Univ., Dubl., pp. 18, 25). 
James Hamilton was the eldest son of the Eev. Hans Hamilton, 
Vicar of Dunlop, in Ayrshire. He was afterwards knighted, made 
a Serjeant-at-Law, and a P. C. ; created by patent dated 4th May, 
1622, Viscount Claneboy; died 1643, aged 84. His only son, James, 
was created, by patent dated 7th June, 1647, Earl of Clanbrasil, in 
County Armagh. On the death of Henry, 2nd Earl and 3rd Viscount, 
on 12th January, 1675-6, without leaving issue, both the honours 
became extinct. Lord Dufferin is the senior heir-general of Hamilton, 
Earl of Clanbrasil and Gawen Rowan Hamilton, Esq., of Killyleagh, 
Castle, Co. Down, is the head of this branch of the Hamiltons. 
33 See preceding note. 


were called before the King, who declared to them both his 
pleasure concerning the partitions as aforesaid, to which they sub- 
mitted. On notice of which procedure Mr. James Hamilton was 
called over by the said Sir James Fullerton, and came to West- 
minster, and having kissed the King's hand, was admitted the 
King's servant .... all which contrivance brought money to 
Sir James Fullerton, for whose sake and request it was the 
readilyer done by the King. Sir Hugh and Mr. Hamilton met, 
and adjusted the whole affair between themselves. Whereupon 
letters of warrant to the Deputy, dated 16th April, 3rd Jacob. 
1605, were granted to pass all the premises, by letters patent, 
under the Great Seal of Ireland, accordingly, in which the said 
Sir James Fullerton obtained further of the King, that the letter 
to the Deputy should require him that' the patent should be passed 
in Mr. James Hamilton's name alone, yielding one hundred pounds 
per annum to the King ; and in the said letter was inserted that 
the said lands were in trust, for the said Mr. Hamilton himself, 
and for Sir Hugh Montgomery, and for Con O'Neill, to the like 
purport' already expressed. . . . All this being done, and Sir 
Hugh having no more business (at present) at Whitehall, he 
resolved with convenient speed to go through Scotland into Ire- 
land, to follow his affairs .... and the said Con, well minding 
Sir J. Fullerton 's interposition for Mr. Hamilton (whereby he was 
a great loser), and that the patent for his lands was to be passed 
in Mr. Hamilton's own name, and only a bare trust expressed for 
his (Con's) use, in the letters of warrant aforesaid, he thought it 
necessary that Sir Hugh and he should look to their hitts. They 
therefore took leave at Court; (and being thoro' ready) they went 
to Edinborough and Braidstane, and after a short necessary stay 
for recruits of money, they passed into Ireland, taking with them 
the warrant for Con, his indemnity, pardon, and profit. 

Mr. Hamilton having gone to Dublin, as aforesaid, then (viz.) 
on the 4th July, 1605 .... a second office was taken, whereby 
all towns, lands, manors, abbeys, impropriations, and such heredi- 
taments in Upper Clanneboys and Ardes, were found to be in the 
King ; it bearing a reference (as to spiritual possessions) for more 
certaintv, unto the office taken, concerning them, primo Jac. 
A° 1603 

About this time, the inquisition found against Con and his follow- 
ers for the feats at Belfast aforesaid, being vacated and taken off the 
file in the King's Bench Court, and the pardon for himself and all 
his followers, for all their other crimes and trespasses against the 
law being passed under the Great' Seal, and the deed of the 6th 
Nov., 1605, from Mr. Hamilton of Con's lands, being made to him- 
self, Con then returned in triumph over his enemies (who thought 
to have his life and estate). . . ." (See Hamilton Manu- 

The office or inquisition referred to as being taken on the 4th 



of July, 1605, was held at " Ardwhin " (Chancery Inquisitions, 
Co. Down, James I., No. 2). It is in Latin, and sets out the 
possessions of the monastery of Black Abbey in the following 
terms 34 : — 

" The Abbot of the late abbey or house of the monks of the 
order of Saint Benedict, called ' Blaekabbey ' in the great Ardes, 
was seized, as of fee, in the right of his abbey, of the said abbey, 
and of three surrounding towns, namely, Blackabby, 35 Balline- 
managh 36 and Ballikenrock, 37 and all houses, buildings, etc. ; of 
the church, or impropriate rectory of Temple-finn, 38 aZzas White- 
church, with its appurtenances, in le great Ardes, which rectory 
extends over the towns or villates of Doonovery, 39 Ballifearis, 40 
Ballinaganny, 41 Ballirossgar, 42 Ballimena, 43 Balleathnard, 44 Bally- 

34 The possessions of the Monastery are set out again in the Inqui- 
sition taken at Downpatrick on 13th October, 1623, printed in the ap- 
pendix to the Hamilton Manuscripts at pp. xxxii, xliv, and xlvi, and 
also incidentally in the Letters Patent of 20th April, 1630, to James 
Hamilton, Viscount Claneboy, printed at p. x, et seq. 

35 Now Black Abbey, 0. S. 12, Par. Grey Abbey, Bar. Ards Lower. 
Baile Mhainistreach Duibhe, called " Ballymonestraduffe, alias Bally- 
lisbrane," in 1623 (p. xxxii), alias " Ballyliselrane " (p. xliv). (Hamil- 
ton MSS.). 

36 1 cannot identify this townland, Baile na Manach, town of the 

37 Now Killyvolgan, 0. S. 12, same Par. and Bar. Coill TJi Bhol- 
gdin ( ?), O' Bolgan's wood. " Ballykiloolgan, alias Ballykerok " in 
1623 (p. xxxii), " Ballekilvolgan, alias Balleknocke (p. xliv) (Hamil- 
ton MSS.). Ballikenrock is evidently a mistake for Balleknocke, 
Bailecnoc, hill-town. 

™ Now the Parish of Ballywalter, 0. 8. 7, 12, Bar. Ards Upper, An 
Teampall Fionn. 

39 Now Dunover, 0. S. 12, Par. Ballywalter, Bar. Ards Upper, 
" Balledownover " in 1623 (p. xxxii), " Balledownen " (p. xlvi), 
" Balledownen " in 1630 (p. xii). (Hamilton MSS.). There seems to 
be confusion with Ballydoonan, O. S. 12, Par. Donaghadee, Bar. Ards 
Lower, Baile Dhundin, town of the small-dun. 

40 Now Ballyferis, 0. S. 7, 12, Par. Ballywalter, Bar. Ards Upper, 
Baile Phiarais, Pierce's town, " Ballyferish " in 1623 (Hamilton MSS.), 
" Perestoun " or " Pierestoun " in 1333. See Mr . Orpen in Journal, 
1914, p. 65. Toyce is wrong (I. N. P., vol. iii., p. 84) in saying that this 
is " the town of Fergus/' although in the spoken language Fearghuis 
does occur instead of Fearghusa as the genitive of Fearghus, c.f., the 
surname Ferris = 6'Fearghuis in Connacht and Leath Mhogha (De 
Bhulbh, Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall, p. 59). 

41 Now Ganaway, 0. S. 7, 12, Pars, of Ballywalter and Donaghadee, 
Bar. Ards Lower and Upper (Baile na Gainmhe, town of the sand, see 
Joyce, I. N. P., vol. ii., p. 375), " Balleneganoy " in 1623 (p. xxxii), 
" Balle-Canvy and Kilbratan " (p. xlvi), " Listnoganoy and Kilbrate " 
in 1630 (p. xii), (Hamilton MSS.) The other name is Kilbright, 0. S., 
7, 12, Par. Donaghadee, Bar. Ards Lower, Gill or Coill Bhreatdm, 
Breatan's church or wood, c.f., Gartbratton in the Pars, of Drumlane 
and Kilmore, Bar. Loughtee Lower and Upper, Co. Cavan. The 
name occurs as " Ballikilbratton " in 1605 (p. ii), and as " Ballekil- 
braten " in 1630 (p. xiii). (Hamilton MSS.) 

42 This name does not appear in any other list of the monastic 
possessions. In the list of the townlands in Clandeboy and the 


igoine,* 5 Ballivalter, 46 and other towns, and of the advowson of 
the vicar in the same church, and the vicar there, in the right of 
his vicarage, yearly receives all the altarages 47 and one-third part 
of the tithes ; of the church or rectory of Ballytalbott 48 alias 
Talbotstown in le great Ardes, with its appurtenances, which 
extends over the towns of Ballytroniss, 49 Ballenagallagh, 50 Bally- 
humlyn, 51 Ballylunph, 52 Ballynaglassery, 53 and Ballyigrannan, 54 

Great Ards given in the Inquisition taken at Ardquin, it occurs 
again, but in the similar list in the Letters Patent to James 
Hamilton, dated 5th November, 1605, printed at p. ii of the Hamilton 
Manuscripts, the corresponding name is " Ballirogun," which seems 
to be Ballyrogan, 0. S. 5, Par. of Newtownards, Bar. Castlereagh 
Lower, Baile TJi Buadhagdin, or Baile Buadhagdin, 6 Ruadhagan's or 
Ruadhagain's town. 

43 This name, also, does not appear in any other list of the monastic 
possessions. It seems to be Ballymenagh, 0. S. 1, 5, Par. Hollywood, 
Bar. Castlereagh Lower, An Baile Meadhonach, the middle town 
(Joyce, I. N. P., vol. i., p. 53). 

44 Ballyatwood, 0. S. 12, Par. Ballywalter, Bar. Ards Upper. This 
name appears as Balliathuad in 1605 (Hamilton MSS., vol. ii.), and 
as Ballyatwart in 1623 (loc. cit., pp. xxxii, xlii, xlvi). 

45 This denomination seems now to be represented by Springvale, 
0. S. 12, same Par. and Bar. It is clearly Baile Mhic Gabhann or 
Baile TJi Ghabhann, Mac Gowan's or O Gowan's town. The name 
appears as Ballygowne in 1623 (Hamilton MSS., xxxii) and as Baile 
M' Goivne (loc. cit., xlii, xlvi). 

46 Ballywalter, 0. S. 12, same Par. and Bar., Baile Bhaltuir, Walter's 

47 Altaragium, " properly that which is offered on the altar, and 
the profit which arises to the priest by reason of the altar," Spelman's 
Glossarium Archaiologicum. 

48 The Parish of St. Andrew's, alias Ballyhalbert, 0. S. 13, 18, 25, 
Barony of Ards Upper, Baile Thalboid, Talbot's town. In 1333, John 
Talbot held one knight's fee in Talbotyston (Orpen, Journal, 1915, 
140; Ecclesia de Talbetona, Bed. Tax). In 1623 " Ballehalbert, alias 
Talbotstowne " (Hamilton MSS., xlvi). The corruption of boid into 
bert is not one which would be expected. 

49 This name does not appear again in any other list of the monastic 

50 Ballyfrench, 0. S. 18, Par. Ballyhalbert, Bar. Ards Upper. In 
1623 this denomination was called " Ballyfringe, alias Ballenegallogh " 
(Hamilton MSS., xxxii)," Balleneffringe, alias Negallogh." Is Ballena- 
gallagh = Baile na nGalach, town of the brave or heroes ? 

51 Ballyhemlin, O. S. 18, same Par. and Bar. There is another town- 
Jand of this name in the Parish of Billy, Barony of Dunluce Lower, 
and Co. Antrim. In 1605 it appears as " Ballihemeline " (Hamilton 
MSS., ii), in 1623 as " Ballehamlin " (op. cit., xxxii), and in 1630 as 
" Ballechamlin." Can it be Baile Gham-linne, town of the crooked- 

POOl ? T~k "7 T 

52 Ballylimp, 0. S. 18, Par. Inishargy, Bar. Ards Upper, Baile Leamh, 
town of the elms (Joyce, /. N. P., vol. iii., 101; i, 508). This name is 
much corrupted, c.f., Drumlamph Bruim Leamh, in the Parish of 
Maghera, Bar. Loughinsholin, Co. Derry. It also appears as " Balle- 
sumpt " in 1623 (Hamilton MSS., p. xxxii), a misreading for " Balle- 
lumpt," and as " Ballelimpt " (op. cit., p. xlvi). 

53 Glastry, 0. S. 18, Par. Ballyhalbert, Bar. Ards Upper. ( ?) Baile 
na Glasraidhe," town of the verdure, or (?) " Glastrach " = ? the green 
[place]. The name is " Balleglasserogh " in 1623 (Hamilton MSb., 
p. xxxii). # . 

54 Ballygraffan, 0. S. Baile grafdin, town of the grubbmg-axe. A 



with their appurtenances, of the advowson and presentation of 
the vicar in the same church, and the vicar there in right of his 
vicarage receives all the altarages, and one-third part of the tithes ; 
of the church or impropriate rectory of Donoghdee, in lez great 
Ardes, and it extends over the towns or villates of Ballinacreaghie, 
Ballicop eland, Ballikillaghie, Ballidromaghie, Ballinacabbray, 
Ballinamoyne, Ballenow, Ballim c william, Ballinacross, Ballikil- 
cormock, etc., and of the advowson of the vicar in the same 
church, and the vicar there, in the right of his vicarage, received 
all the altarages, and one- third part of the tithes of the same 
rectory (there belong to the said rectory the towns or villates of 
Tempie-Patrick [ ] and Mulletullenaghragh, with their 

appurtenances, as glebe land of the aforesaid vicar), of the church 
of Iniscargie, with its appurtenances, in lez great Ardes, which 
extends over the towns or villates of Iniscargie, Balligarvagane, 
Ballicarcubbin, Ballilackine, Ballyrodiny, Ballilimp and Balli- 
glassery, and of the advowson of the vicar in the same church, and 
the vicar there' received all the' altarages and one third part of the 
tithes, and there belongs to the said \icar land in the town of 
Iniscargie called " the church quarter." 

The inquisition taken at Ardquin on 4th July, 1605 (printed in 
Inquisitionum in Officio Rot. Can. Hib. Asservatum Repertorium, 
vol. ii., Co. Down, Jac. I., No". 2) sets out as follows:" The said 
territory of le great Ardes, in Claneboy aforesaid, contains certain 
lesser territories or habitations of septs (sfcirpiu) called lez sleugth 
Mortagh McEdmond, lez McGillmurres, le sleugth Brian O'Neile, 
lez Turtars de Iniscargies, lez McKearnyes, lez Magies de Porta - 
bogagh, with other territories." The metes and bounds of " the 
great Ardes " are set out in the above inquisition, and also in the 
inquisition taken at Downpatrick on 13th October, 1623 (printed 
in Hamilton Manuscripts, App. xxix). 


The actual ownership of the Black Abbey in the years following 
the arrival of Hamilton and Montgomery in Co. Down is difficult 
to trace. The two settlers seem to have been in constant litigation 
over their land, commissions being appointed at different dates to 
arrange their disputes. It is stated in the Hamilton M8S. as the 
third of James Hamilton's " remarkables " that " he had several 
tedious and chargeable lawsuits with his neighbour, my lord of 
Ards." He inserts, moreover, in his will a clause providing that 
if, in the case of daughters being born to him, any of them " shall 

grafdn is a kind of double axe used for grubbing the surface of coarse 
land or for cutting fine furze. See Joyce, I. N. P., vol. i., p. 237; 
Dinneen, Dictionary. The form " Ballyigrannan " is a mere mis- 
reading; the name always appears elsewhere as Bally graffan or 


marry with any of the posteritee of Sir Hugh Montgomery," their 
portions shall revert to their brother, " they to receave such 
portion as he shall think meet', and I do desyre my wif, as also 
my said sone, or sones and daughters . . . that upon my blessing 
they nor none of them, match nor marie not with any sone nor 
daughter of the house or posteritee of Sir Hugh Montgomerie, now 
of Newton, knight." The Monastery of the Black Abbey is not 
mentioned in this will, which is dated December 16th, 1616 
(printed in the Hamilton MSS., pp. 48-59). 

The Abbey was granted by the King to James Hamilton by 
letters patent dated the 20th of July, 1605 (Patent Bolls, 3 Jas. I.), 
but I can find no deed mentioning that this or any other property 
granted to James Hamilton was held in trust for Hugh Mont- 
gomery and Conn O'Neill as well as himself, though the Mont- 
gomery MSS., as quoted in the Hamilton MSS., at p. 22, refer to 
a letter of warrant to that effect, dated April 16th, 1605. 

The inquisition already quoted as taken at Downpatrick on 
October 13th, 1623, recites a deed dated May 23rd, 1618, by which 
James Hamilton did make a grant to Hugh Montgomery among 
other things of the late Monastery or Religious House of the Black 
Abbey (Hamilton MSS., p. xxxvii), and in a Chancery Inquisition 
dated 1636 (75 Car. I.) Hugh Montgomery is returned as being 
seized of the Black Abbey. I have failed, however, to find any 
further trace of the deed of May 23rd, 1618, except that it is re- 
ferred to in the Montgomery MSS. as " pursuant to Abercorn's 
award " (p. 76). On the other hand, according to a Chancery 
Inquisition of April 1662 (23 Car. II.) the Hamilton family is still 
at that date in possession of the tithes and rectories of the Monas- 
tery of the Black Abbey, so that it seems as if the spiritualities 
had remained with them, while the temporalities passed to the 

Reeves, Antiquities of Down, Connor, and Dromore, p. 383, 
note, says: — " According to Harris, the priory was awarded to 
the See of Armagh in 1639. Until the middle of the last (eight- 
eenth) century, the representatives of the Lord Vise. Clandeboy 
claimed the right of patronage to the united vicarages of Talbots- 
town, Whitechurch, and Inishcargy, under the name of the parish 
of St. Andrew's, but a suit which was instituted by Primate 
Stone against Vise. Mount Alexander, concerning the advowson 
of the vicarage of Donaghadee, having resulted in favour of the 
plaintiff, re-established the see of Armagh in the enjoyment of 
this portion of its ancient right." He also says, p. 18: — " The 
site is correctly marked on the Ordnance Survey Map, but the 
last remains of the building have lately been cleared away, and 
the place they occupied assimilated to the surrounding land. The 
only surviving relique of the establishment is a tombstone which 
has been removed to Grey Abbey." 


Further Note on the Coins Discovered at Abbeyland, Navan, 
Co. Meath, in June, 1921. — Since the publication of my former 
note, 445 additional coins belonging to this find have been re- 
covered. The following is a list of these : — 

One shilling, Edward VI., mint mark, y; 2 sixpences, Edward 
VI., Tower and York Mints; 2 English shillings and 2 English 
sixpences, Philip and Mary; 48 English shillings, Elizabeth, 
marks include, martlet, cross-crosslet, bell, escallop, hand, wool- 
pack, 1, and 2; 177 English sixpences, Elizabeth, marks include, 
arrow, rose, lion, coronet, castle, ermine, cross, sword, bell, 
escallop, A, hand, ton, key, 1, star, woolpack; 42 English shil- 
lings, James L, marks include, thistle, lis, rose, escallop, coronet, 
bell, trefoil, ton; 4 Irish shillings, James I., 1, first, 3 second coin- 
age; 23 English sixpences, James I., marks include, thistle, lis, 
rose, escallop, coronet; 3 Thistle merks of James VI., 2 dated 1601, 
1 dated 1602; 27 English half-crowns of Charles I. ordinary type, 
marks include, crown, triangle, star, eye, triangle in circle, sun, 
rose; 1 English half-crown, Charles I., declaration type, dated 1645, 
A, below date; 74 English shillings of Charles I., marks include, lis, 
anchor, portcullis, bell, crown, ton, triangle, star, triangle in 
circle (P), (R); 17 English sixpences, Charles I., marks include, 
rose, bell, ton, triangle in circle; 8 Irish coins, Charles I., i.e., 
Inchiquin money, 2 half-crowns, first, and 1 third issue; Ormonde 
money, 2 half-crowns and 3 sixpences; 8 Spanish " cob " dollars, 
and 4 half-dollars; a much-worn coin that appears to be a six- 
pence of Elizabeth struck on both sides with the Royal Arms 
(portion of the date . .82 can be seen above the shield) ; and an 
indistinguishable coin. 

It will be noticed that of the total 474 coins recovered, 12 only 
were Irish, i.e., the 4 shillings of James I., the Inchiquin, and 
Ormonde money. The remainder of the coins, with the exception 
of the 3 Scotch thistle merks, and the Spanish dollars, being 

The hoard includes coins separated in date by about a century. 
The latest, and the type of the vessel which contained them, give 
us a clue to the time when the hoard was buried. This appears 
to have been the end of the seventeenth century. Possibly the 
concealment was occasioned by the troubles that occurred in 
Ireland during the reign of James II. 

It is interesting to note that the find of over 200 coins made 

( 179 ) 


in 1912, at another Abbeyland, near Castledermot, Co. Kildare, 1 
included specimens dating from the reigns of Edward VI. to 
Charles I. ; also that in this find 9 coins only were Irish, the 
remainder including a number of Spanish " cob " dollars, and a 
Scotch coin of James VI. The 75 shillings and two half-crowns 
found at Camolin, Co. Wexford, in 1913, also included coins of 
Edward VI., Elizabeth, James I., and Charles I. As all these 
latter coins were English, it is suggested that they represented 
the accumulated pay of an English soldier, who had accompanied 
Cromwell's forces to Ireland, and who fell during the investiture 
of Wexford, shortly after the surrender of Drogheda in 1649. 2 

The most interesting coins discovered in the Navan find were 
the Inchiquin and Ormonde money. Of the former, one 2s. 6d. 
of the first issue appears to be from the same die as a specimen 
figured by Smith, 3 now in the Royal Irish Academy's collection. 
The second coin of the first issue, which weighs 227 gr., is illus- 
trated (Plate XXVI., Fig. 1); it is a variety unrepresented in the 
Academy's collection. The specimen of the third issue of the 
Inchiquin money is a duplicate of that figured by Smith, 4 also in the 
Academy's collection. One of the Ormond 2/6's (weight 226.5 
gr.) recovered through the good offices of Col. Sir Nugent Everard, 
Bt, H.M.L., has been double struck (Plate XXVI., Fig. 2). 

E. C. R. Armstrong, 


Find of Coins near St. John's Hospital, Co. Limerick. — 

On 2nd August, 1921, workmen employed by the Limerick 
County Council found some coins when excavating near St. 
John's Hospital. These were taken charge of by Mr. J. J. 
Peacocke, City Surveyor, and by him forwarded for inspection 
to the National Museum. 

The following is a list of the 22 coins recovered: — 
One Irish groat of Henry VIII, second coinage; 2 English 
groats of Mary; 1 Irish shilling of Philip and Mary, dated 1555 
(base); 11 Irish groats of Philip and Mary, one dated 1555, two 
1556, three 1557, three 1558, and two unreadable (base) ; 2 English 
groats of Philip and Mary, first issue; 3 Irish groats of Elizabeth, 
first issue (base) ; 2 English sixpences of Elizabeth, one dated 
1573, the other unreadable. 

1 Armstrong, Journal, ante, vol. xlii., p. 70; also FitzGerald, 
Journal, Co. Kildare Archaeological Society, vol. vii., p. 128; and 
Macllwaine, British Numismatic Journal, vol. ix., pp. 415, 416; vol. xi., 
pp. 317, 318. 

2 Francis, British Numismatic Journal, vol. x., pp. 315-318. 

3 Journal, ante, vol. vi., pi. II., fig. 1. 

4 Ibid., pi. III., fig. 7. 

Plate XXVI] 

[To face page 180 




The condition of the coins was poor. None being required for 
the Irish National Collection, they were returned to Mr. 
Peacocke. They will be preserved in the Limerick Museum. 

E. C. E. Armstrong, 


Remains near Adare, Co. Limerick — Clorane Dolmen. — A visit 
after nearly half a century to a once familiar place, rarely fails 
to disclose how much interest escaped one's notice in the past. 

Even then I had much interest in several forts and dolmens, so 
I was somewhat surprised that it was left for my recent visit to 
find a perfect specimen of the latter class. I give it as an 
appendix to the valuable survey of the County Limerick dolmens, 
published by Mr. P. J. Lynch in the successive Journals of the 
Limerick Field Club and the North Munster Archaeological 
Society. It lies in Kenry Barony, three miles north from 
Adare, in the field north of that behind (east from) Clorane House, 
in rich, grassy land, with occasional limestone rocks and ribs, and 
(as so often) a few old hawthorns have gathered round it, It is 
made of very coarse and weather-worn surface-slabs, and the 
axis lies approximately east and west, It had the feature, 
noticeable in several dolmens in Clare and elsewhere, of a low 
pillar (2 feet 8 inches by 1 foot 4 inches by 2 feet high) beside its 
western end; the north side seems to have been pushed out of 



place by the weight of the cover, so that the actual breadth of the 
cist cannot be found, but it was about 4 feet 6 inches wide and 
10 feet long. The western north slab is 4 feet by 1 foot 2 inches; 
that to the south 5 feet 4 inches by 1 foot 4 inches; the eastern 
south slab is 4 feet 8 inches long, the east end 4 feet 8 inches. 
The cover is very irregular, 7 feet 4 inches by 6 feet at its greatest, 
all the slabs being a little over a foot to 18 inches thick, and 
rarely rising 3 feet above the ground. On a slightly rising ground, 
not far to the S.E., is the plain trace of a curved fosse of a fort, 
otherwise entirely effaced. 

The F&ir of Puck. — Can any antiquary give an account of the 
origin and " symbolism " of this important fair? It took place 
this year on August 10th. If ancient, it is worth noting that the 
" Lugnasad " feast on August 1st was the central day of a solar 
festival held from a fortnight before to a fortnight after that date 
at Tailltiu and other places in honour of the marriage of the sun 
god, Lug, to the (soil of) Ireland. At Lugdunum in Gaul it was 
attended from every part of that province at the same time, in 
early August. 

In the fair of Puck a white " puck " goat is placed in a cage 
on top of four posts about 45 feet high, decorated with three 
republican flags and one red one this year. I heard of this 
*' setting up " of the goat as an old custom nearly 50 years ago. 

T. J. W. 

The Bell-shrine of Mael-Brigte — Correction. — In a note 
upon this shrine, published in our Journal {ante, XLVIIL, 
pp. 180-2), I described its open-work cresting as composed of a 
degenerated zoomorphic pattern. Further examination has, how- 
ever, convinced me that this is not the case, and that we have 
here one of the rare instances of the use of plant forms in early 
Irish decoration. Half of an scanthus leaf is also shown on one 
of the gold panels inset into the shrine ridge. 

The use of plant forms on Irish metal work is rare. It can, 
however, be noticed on some of the small panels of the shrine of 
the Cathach {Proc. R. I. A., xxxiii., sec. c, p. 392, pi. xxxvii.), 
also upon the small book cover figured by Miss Stokes {Early 
Christian Art in Ireland, 1911, p. 95). These antiquities belong 
to the period when Carlovingian motives were finding their way 
into the country. 

Ei. C. R. Armstrong, 




Mondellihy Rings. — Close to Adare, north from the well-known 
picturesque old bridge between the Black Abbey and Desmond's 
Castle, in a grassy hollow, near the railway, is an example of the 
curious and somewhat rare conjoined " 8 " rings. They lie north 
and south, and consist of two earthen rings, once stone-faced and 
capped with dry stone walls ; the northern is oval, 66 feet E. and 
W., 60 feet N. and S., over the garth; the southern, circular, 72 
feet across. The rampart in all cases is 9 feet thick, steep, but 


rarely 4 feet high, save to the east and south, where it rises from 
5 to 6 feet high, especially where an old ash tree has preserved 
the bank. The rings are 9 feet apart, and there is a very slight 
hollow, too slight and ill-defined to be measured, round the works. 
I saw no mounds or traces in the fields suggestively called Ard- 
shanbally, not far to the south-west. 

The Eev. Mr. Open. called my attention to the existence of a 
holed stone, to the west of Adare village, in a rude slab of lime- 
stone. Unfortunately, I had not time to examine it, as I only 
was told at the close of my visit. 

I regret to say the beautiful Franciscan Monastery and the 
Castle are getting choked up with elder bushes and undergrowth, 
which it were well to have removed. 

T. J. Westropp. 


British Society of Franciscan Studies. Vol. IX. : Materials for 
the History of the Franciscan Province of Ireland, 1230-1450. 
By the late Eev. Father E. B. Fitzmaurice, O.F.M., and 
A. G. Little. Manchester: The University Press. 1920. 

This well-turned-out volume of extracts from original, or, failing 
these, the best secondary sources of information concerning the 
Irish Franciscans down to 1450, with an excellent introduction 
by Mr. Little and critical notes is of capital importance for 
Irish monastic history. Through Father Fitzmaurice 's untimely 
death before he had completed his undertaking, the main portion 
of the work, apart from the accumulation of material in Ireland, 
fell upon Mr. Little, and those who are acquainted with his previous 
work in this domain will not need to be told that he has been 
painstaking and efficient, especially where the subject touches on 
general Franciscan history. Naturally, as he himself avows, he 
has not been so much at home in what is peculiarly Irish, and 
has found difficulty in identifying persons and places. An in- 
stance occurs at page 170, where Bliss's calendar entry of a Papal 
indult for " Inysgebryny " in 1400 is cited. Mr. Little says that 
this house has not been identified, that it is perhaps Askeaton 
(Iniskefty) ; and goes on to suggest Greenish Island with no pro- 
bability whatever. Here there is both rashness and undue hesi- 
tation. The place is undoubtedly Askeaton under its Irish name of 
Inis Gebtine, corrupted either by an ancient or a modern scribe, 
or by the printer. This indult of 1400 shows that the Four 
Masters are wrong in placing the foundation of the friary at 1420. 

The uncertainty of Irish Franciscan dates from domestic 
sources is remarkable. The year when the Friars first came to 
Ireland cannot be exactly determined. The first provincial, 
Eichard of Ingworth, an Englishman, was not appointed before 
the middle of 1230, and he landed in Ireland, according to Mr. 
Little, in 1231 or 1232, when, it may be inferred, there were 
already some of his brethren in the island. Father Fitzmaurice 
was anxious to prove that the province had been established in 
the lifetime of St. Francis, but evidently found nothing to the 
purpose. The earliest statement to that effect was published in 
1587, unsupported by any authority, and none has since come to 
light. It was not accepted by Wadding, who, when pressed on 
the point, conceded no more than that since Kilkenny Friary, 

( 184 ) 



according to a passage in Matthew Paris, must have been in ex- 
istence in 1234, when Richard, Earl Marshal, was said to be 
buried there, and since there were several houses older than 
Kilkenny, the period 1231 to 1234, was too short, and an initial 
date before 1231 should be " supposed." Mr. Little, however, 
shows that Paris, or, rather, his author, Roger of Wendover, is 
alone in naming the Franciscan house at Kilkenny. Other 
chroniclers record the burial in the Dominican Friary there, 
founded by Richard's father. To Mr. Little's references may be 
added the lines of Robert of Gloucester: — 

t/ius was of lif dawe 
Richard the marchal ibroght & thoru treson aslawe; 
At Kildar he was aslawe, th&k in yrlonde is, 
& at the frere prechors ibured at Kilkenni iwis." 

This fact was common knowledge at Kilkenny even after the 
Dominican church and its monuments were defaced, as Hanmer 
testifies. Wadding's difficulty is thus seen to have no solidity, 
and the necessity for " supposing " the earlier date was non- 
existent. In fact, as extracts show, the Franciscans were erect- 
ing their buildings at Kilkenny so late as 1245-1246, between 
which time and 1231 there had been ample opportunity to build 
the older houses. 

The traditional account of the founding of the friary at 
Youghal, the first Franciscan house in Ireland, falls in best with 
the date 1231-2. Its founder, Maurice FitzGerald, was building, 
we are told, a mansion for himself at Youghal, and the workmen 
came to him one day for a gratuity. Not having money at hand, 
he sent them to his son with a request that he would supply it; 
but his son refused the request, and sharply sent the men about 
their business. This so mortified Maurice, that he turned the 
mansion into a friary. Now, it is known of this Maurice that he 
did not come of age and receive his inheritance until 1216. His 
eldest son cannot well have been born much earlier, nor is it 
likely that he would have money of his own or be so sturdy in 
refusing it until he was fifteen or sixteen years of age ; from which 
data, if the story have any substance, it seems impossible that 
Youghal Friary was founded before 1231. 

It is to be hoped that the example set in this volume will 
be followed in the case of other religious orders whose histories 
are yet to be written; but for them, as the year 1450 marks no 
era, the first collections might with advantage be brought down 
to the time of the dissolution. 


Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge : Translations of 

Christian Literature. Series V. : Lives of the Celtic Saints: — 
St. Patrick, his Writings and Life. By Newport J. D. White, 
D.D. 1920. 6s. Qd. net, 

* The Latin and Irish Lives of Ciaran. By R. A. Stewart 

Macalister. 1921. 10s. net. 

* St. Bernard of Clairvaux's Life of St. Malachy of Armagh. By 

H. J. Lawlor, D.D., Litt.D. 1920. 12s. net. 

* By Fellows of the Society. 

These three works deal with three cardinal epochs of the early 
Christian history of Ireland — the national conversion, the 
monastic expansion, and the general reorganisation of the 

Dr. White brings to this English version of the Patrician 
documents the same scrupulous scholarship as he bestowed on 
the Latin texts of the Confession and the Letter against Coroticus 
in his editions of 1905 and 1918. Particular introductions and 
ample notes illustrate each document, and a careful and learned 
general introduction discusses the more important points. 
St. Patrick's Latin is not always easy to translate, or even to 
understand. Dr. White's translation is sound and conscientious, 
though to say that every difficulty has been overcome and every 
desire satisfied would be to claim for it an unattainable perfection. 
Perhaps the admirable principle of non-interference with the 
MS. reading is sometimes applied too rigorously. For instance, 
in Confession 10, the text adulescens, immo pene puer in uerbis 
capturam dedi antequam scirem quid adpeterem surely ought 
to be read " puer inberbis," and translated accordingly: " when 
a young man, yea, almost a beardless youth, I went into cap- 
tivity before I knew what to aim at " — a natural and satisfactory 
sense. Again, in Confession 16, Ut etiam in siluis et in monte 
manebam, et ante lucem excitabar, " At times, too, when I was 
staying in the woods and on the mountain, I used to be aroused 
even before daylight," the printed text has a full stop after mane- 
bam; Dr. White retains the stop, and, having to translate as if he 
found manerem, obtains a less probable meaning. Deviating, on 
the other hand, in Confession 9, from all the MSS., he alters 
with Dr. J. Gwynn, iure into iura, which, if correct, would make 
the passage unlooked-for evidence that the Laws, presumably 
both Civil and Canon, were taught on an equal footing with 
Scripture in British schools about thirty years before the Theo- 
desian Code was published. But the intended parity seems to be 
between combiberwit and nunquam mutarunt, the respects in 
which St. Patrick's schoolfellows were more fortunate than he, 



and the required amendment seems rather to be of optime into 
optimo {jure). This gives a sense which appears adequate: 
" [Eemaining] in their full right, alike in each case, they drank 
in Sacred Scripture together, and never changed the language 
of their childhood." 

The Lives of Ciaran, translated and edited by Dr. Macalister 
with characteristic learning and wealth of illustration, are, as he 
observes, useless to the historian of fact without drastic criticism. 
For any serious purpose they must be used with caution, for they 
are not above suspicion of conscious invention and adapting. A 
harmonic table prefixed to the translations brings out that few 
incidents are found in the Latin Lives that have not a starting- 
point in the Irish one. The latter seems, therefore, to represent an 
original more likely to have been the common source than the dis- 
jected memorabilia postulated by Dr. Macalister. The first Latin 
Life may confidently be assigned to the numerous class of Irish 
hagiographies produced for a Continental public to which Temoria 
and Midia were more familiar names than Cualu and the Ulaid. 
Internal evidence often betrays their foreign origin, as, in this 
instance, in the explanation that parching corn on a revolving- 
roaster (rota) was a " custom of the western people, that is, of 
Britain and Ireland," and in the care taken to describe the 
position of Clonard, information superfluous in Ireland. The 
mention of " our holy patron Kiaranus " does not invalidate the 
inference. We have an altar-inscription composed by Alcuin for 
a continental church in which he places St. Ciaran next to 
St. Patrick among the fathers and masters of religious life, 
styling him the glory of the Irish race, Scottorum gloria gentis. 
That the monks of an Irish monastery abroad, where we infer 
that this Life was penned, should claim their glorious countryman 
as their patron is not surprising. The chief value of these texts 
is not in themselves but in the editor's annotations, which, as 
an exposition of hagiographical folklore, will bear comparison 
with the work of Plummer. The complete history of Clon- 
macnoise which Dr. Macalister promises us will be expected 

Dr. Lawlor 's English version of St. Bernard's writings con- 
cerning St. Malachy — the Life, the Letters, and the Sermons — 
is of first-rate importance. The writings stand high in medieval 
literature as a noble monument of friendship, and are here 
worthily translated. But they chiefly interest Dr. Lawlor as 
evidence by contemporary witnesses of unimpeachable sincerity 
to the course of a great reorganisation in the Irish Church, and 
in order that this evidence may be fully understood he discusses 
its details in notes with which every student of the movement 
and the period must make himself acquainted. In an introduc- 
tion of over fifty pages Dr. Lawlor traces the forces which he 


sees at play in the movement, and does it with a verve and 
brilliance that sustain his reputation in this field of history. The 
field is wide enough and diversified enough to offer many points 
of view, and it is inevitable that there will be differences of 
opinion as to which gives the clearest survey of the whole ground. 
The first of Dr. Lawlor's historical positions, that territorial 
dioceses and ruling diocesan bishops were unknown to the Irish 
up to the end of the eleventh century cannot be reconciled with 
the explicit testimony of our ancient laws and other documents 
of antiquity (c./., " Lex Patricia " in Eriu i., 218, and 
Anc. Laws, passim). The fact is that the political basis of the 
early bishopric was the same in Ireland as elsewhere — namely, 
the civitas, or unit of local self-government. While the imperial 
civitas was predominantly urban, the Irish civitas was wholly 
rural. It was known as the tuath, a self-governing community 
under a chief magistrate called a king (n), who ruled in the 
secular domain with plenitude of royal authority over the popu- 
lation of the territory in its two main divisions, a class of nobles 
rendering military service, and a class not noble rendering agri- 
cultural rents. The bishop of the tuath was the king's ecclesias- 
tical counterpart, co-ordinate before the law, equal in dignity, 
clothed with like privileges of honour, and exercising the pleni- 
tude of episcopal authority within the same territorial limits over 
the king himself and the same subject individuals, gentle and 
simple, in whom we recognise the milites and agricolae of an 
ancient feudalism the bellatores and aratores of Gilbert's tractate. 
The territory of the tuath and its prim-epscop were diocese and 
diocesan bishop. 

C. McN. 


A Quarterly General Meeting was held on 5th July, 1921, at 
4.30. p.m. 

Mr. M. J. McEnery, President, in the Chair. 
Also present: — 

Vice-Presidents: — Dr. E. A. S. Macalister, C. McNeill, S. 
Carolan Eushe, Herbert Wood, A. Eobinson, E. C. E. Armstrong. 

Fellows: — T. J. Westropp, Eev. H. J. Lawlor, Miss H. 
Warren, A. E. W. Montgomery, H. S. Crawford, P. J. Lynch, 
W. Cotter Stubbs, E. J. French, T. Kennedy Cahill, Miss M. E, 
Nichols, W. G Strickland. 

Members: — C. C. Atkinson, E. E. Bate, E. Sayers, Mrs. 
Greene Molloy, Very Eev. Dean Cowell, Mrs. Betham, E. 
O'Brien Smyth, William Chamney, Mrs. Long, E. O'Hanluain, 
E. Eitzpatrick, C. Eoper-EitzGerald, Mrs. Lindesay, M. D. 
McAuliffe, Miss M. Carolan, Miss E. G. Symes, I. E. B. 
Jennings, D. A. Chart, E, W. Booth. 

The following Members were elected : — 

Miss Annabel L. K. Lett. 
Miss Mary L. Lett. 
G. Annesley Euth. 
Miss Winifred Wulff . 
Eev. Alfred Carson. 

E, E, Bate. 

Sir Geo. Eottrell, K.C.B. 
Eev. Terence Small ; C.C 
T. H. Spence. 
Mrs. T. H. Spence. 

The following Paper was read and referred to the Council for 
publication : — 

" Carnagat, a Megalithic Structure in Co. Tyrone," by Miss 
Wulff, communicated by Dr. Macalister, Vice-President. 

A Quarterly General Meeting of the Society was held on 
Tuesday, 20th September, 1921. 

Mr. Charles McNeill, Vice-President, in the Chair. 

Also present: — 

Vice-President : — Herbert Wood. 

( 189 ) 


Fellows: — Colonel Cavanagh, Count Plunkett, W. J. Fawcett, 
H. S. Crawford, Lionel L. Fletcher, Miss MacSorley, P. J. 
O'Reilly, Dr. George O'Brien, Rev. T. W. O'Rvan, Miss O'Ryan, 
R. J. Kelly, John Murphy, R. Nicol, Miss Dobbs, W. B. Joyce, 
James Nichols, Miss E. Nichols, Miss M. Nichols, E. J. French, 
W. G. Strickland. 

Members:— Dr. Edith Badham, Mrs. Betham, E. R. Bate, 
C. C. Atkinson, Miss Carolan, Mrs. Shackleton, Colonel Millner, 
Dean Cowell, R. B. Sayers, Sir George Fottrell, Mrs. Long, Mrs. 
Greene Molloy, G. Annesley Ruth, W. Coe, E. R, McC. Dix, 
M. C. M'Auliffe, R, W. Booth. 

The following were elected Members of the Society: — 

Sir Edward H. C. P. Bellingham, Bart., C.M.G. ; E. R. 
McClintock Dix, H. H. Pembrey, C. H. Denham, M.D. ; Sir 
George Roche, Thomas Fennessy. 

As Life Members: — T. P. Le Fanu, C.B. ; Edward Nichol. 

The following Papers were read and referred to the Council for 
publication : — 

1. " Notes on an Undescribed Promontory Fort, Rochestown, 

Co. Cork." By T. J. Westropp, Past-President. 

2. " Irish Bell Shrines in British Museum and Wallace Collec- 

tion." By H. S. Crawford, Fellow. 

3. " Notes on Some of the Places Visited at the Excursion on 

11th June, Illustrated with Lantern Slides." By W. G. 
Strickland, Hon. Gen. Secretary. 

A Meeting of the Society was held on 1st November, at 4.30 

Mr. M. J. McEnery, President, in the Chair. 

The following communications were read : — 

1. " Kilbunny Church, Co. Waterford." By Rev. Patrick 

Power, Member. 

2. '•' The Dunbell Find, Co. Kilkenny, portion of forthcoming 

Catalogue of the Society's Collection, deposited in Royal 
Irish Academy's Museum. By E. C. R. Armstrong, Vice- 



A Quarterly (Statutory) Meeting was held on 13th December, 
1921, at 4.30 p.m. 

Mr. M. J. McEnery, President, in the Chair. 
Present : — 

Vice-Presidents: — Sir Lucas White King, Andrew Eobinson, 
H. B. White, Charles McNeill. 

Fellows: — T. J. Westropp, E. J. French, Mrs. McEnery, J. 
White, R. Percy McDonnell, W. G. Strickland, P. J. Lynch, 
W. F. Butler, D. J. Nolan, T. J. Morrissey, F. K. Cahill, 
M. F. Cox, James Nichols, H. S. Crawford, C. J. MacGarry, 
Miss E. Nichols, Miss M. Nichols, W. B. Joyce. 

Members: — Rev. Dean Cowell, E. R. McC. Dix, W. Coe, 
The Fox, H. V. Crawfurth Smith, G. K. Pilkington, M. D. 
McAuliffe, R. B. Sayers, Mrs. Long, I. R. B. Jennings, J. 
Gately, E. R, Bate, C. C. Atkinson, Edward Nichols, T. P. 
Le Fanu, Mrs. Betham, W. Chamney, E. Glover. 

Vacancies, to be filled at the Annual General Meeting, were 
declared, for President, 5 Vice-Presidents, Hon. General Secre- 
tary, Hon. Treasurer, 5 Members of the Council, Auditors, 
and Assistant in thei office. 

The following Candidates recommended by the Council were 
elected : — 

Fellow :— Frederick C. Mills. 

Dr. Macalister read a Paper, " Some Observations on the 
Excavations at Tara in 1899-1900," which was referred to the 
Council for publication. 

A Paper by Mr. Westropp on " Promontory Forts, &c, at 
Howth, Lambay, and Dromanagh " was postponed to a future 

Members : — 

Richard Westropp George. 
Hugh Nihill Kennedy. 
Miss A. Fitzgerald-Kenney, 
The Marquess of Ormonde. 
Lt.-Col. E. F. Twigg. 
Miss Alice G. Twigg. 
W. H. Welply. 
Rev. J. M. Dunlea. 

Patrick Sexton. 

Mrs. S. L. Morton. 

Percival H. Browne. 

Sir Philip Hanson. 

Sir Walter J. Buchanan. 

Sir Peter O'Reilly O'Connell. 

Lady O'Connell. 

T. Percy Kirkpatrick. 



On the 24th September an Excursion, was made to Howth. The 
party, consisting of about sixty Fellows and Members, was con- 
veyed in a. specially-engaged tram car, and the first place visited 
was the old church of St. Fin tan. Mr. Leask explained and 
pointed, out the architectural features of the building, and the 
party then went on to Howth. Here they were shown the build- 
ing known as " The College," and the ancient church, under the 
guidance of Mr. Leask, whose interesting description of the build- 
ings was much appreciated. After lunch at the Royal Hotel, 
Howth Castle was next visited. Here the members were most 
kindly received by Captain and Mrs. Gaisford St. Lawrence, 
and, under the guidance of the Hon. Secretary, the building was 
inspected, and the original structure and the various additions and 
alterations made at different periods pointed out and explained. 
The Dolmen was next visited, and on the return of the members 
to the Castle they were most hospitably entertained at tea. by 
Mrs. St. Lawrence. This concluded a most enjoyable day. The 
Society are indebted to Captain and Mrs. St. Lawrence for the 
facilities given in seeing the old church as well as for the hos- 
pitality extended to the members at the Castle. 



Abbeylands, Co. Meath, coins 

found, 179. 
Accounts, audited, 99. 
Allihies mines, Co. Cork, 5. 
Alms free, grant, 167. 
Ardaragh dolmen, Beare Island, 

1, 15. 

Ardbrennan, Co. Westmeath, earth 

works, 141. 
Ardsallagh, Co. Meath, see Cannis- 


Arms heraldic, 21, 28, 30; of 

Browne, Galway, 79; Serle, 78. 
Armstrong, E. C. R., notes by, 78, 

79, 180-182. 
Askeaton, Franciscan House, Co. 

Limerick, 184. 
Athlone, variant derivations of 

name, 143, 144. 
" Avi Toranias " (Ui Torna), 

ogham, 2. 


Baoi, Bui, &c, a goddess at Beare, 
10; Baoi Bherre, 7. 

Baginbun fort, Co. Wexford, cor- 
rection, 115. 

Ballyrobin fort, Co. Co'rk, 109. 

Bantry, district and forts, Cork, 
101; Beanntraige tribe, 102. 

Beare Barony, 1, 101; Island, 11, 40. 

Bell shrine of Mael Brigde, 182. 

Billeragh, Co. Cork, 7. 

"Black Abbey, Co. Down," 160- 

Black Ball Head, Co. Cork, 9. 
" Black dog," Dublin, 159-163. 
Blair's Cove Fort, Co. Cork, 107. 
Brendan, St., his voyage, 1. 
Bullans, " Fairy Basins," Beare, 

Burials, ancient, 146. 
Butler family, 21; W. F., paper by, 


Cannistown church, Co. Meath, 125. 
Carew, his camp, 105; siege of 

Dunboy Castle, 111, 112; his 

claims, 103. 
Ceann Foirchig, George's Head, 

Co. Clare, 109. 

Chamney, W., restores ancient 

font, 78. 
Ciaran, Lives of, review, 186. 
Clare, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, 

49, 61, 67. 
Clathra in Tain bo Cuailgne, 

Clare, Co. Westmeath, 135. 
Clifford, Rosamund and her family, 

70, 71. 

Cloghfune forts, Co. Cork, 4, 5, 6. 
Clonaghlin, Beare Island, 15. 
Clorane dolmen, Co. Limerick, 
180, 181. 

"Coach, State, of the Lord Mayor of 
Dublin, and the Earl of Clare, 
Lord Chancellor of Ireland,," 49- 

" Cock and Pot," Legend, 147-151. 
Coins found, Anglo-Saxon, 79; 

78, 80, 179, 180. 
Collack headland, Co. Cork, 106. 
Coonacoora pass, Beare, 6. 
Cork, Co., Antiquities, 1-17, 101-115. 
Costume of early Irish, 134. 
Cotts, ogham, Wexford, 77. 
Coulcoo'laghta, see Blair's Cove. 
Council of Society, 86, 91. 
Courcy De, see De Courcy. 
Crawford, H. S., papers by, 17-31, 

125-132, notes. 
Crean or O Crian family, Sligo, 

Cuchullain, 138. 

Curtis, Professor E., paper by, 


Dardiz family, 76. 
De Belesme, Robert, see De Mont- 

De Courcy, John, grant by, 160. 
Degad, or Deda, 3, 138. 
De Lacy, Hugh, Earl of Ulster, 168. 
De Montgomery, Arnulf, and 

Robert, 116, 119. 
Derreenataggart, circle, Beare, 1, 2. 
Derrycoosaun, Beare, 4. 
Desmond Earls, 20, 22, 23; kingship 

begins, 35. 
Diarmaid and Grainne, 7. 
Dollars, counterfeit, 80. 
Dolmens, Beare, 1, 13, 15; Clorane, 


Donnelly, N., Bishop of Canea, 

obituary, 92. 
Doonah forts, Co. Cork, 2, 4. 





Doonagall fort, Beare Island, 12. 
Down, County, antiquities and re- 
cords, 164; Black Abbey, 160-77. 
Downes, Bishop Dives (1700), his 

notes, 8. 

Drawbridges, early, Dursey Castle, 
&c, 9. 

Drogheda, font, St. Peter's Church, 

Dromclogh fort, Bantry, Co. Cork, 

Dublin City, Lord Mayor's coach, 

49; gates of, 153-165; Newgate 

prison, 152-164. 
Dublin County, society's visit to 

Lucan, &c, 84. 
Dunbeg, Grenane, fort, Beare 

Island, 13. 
Dunboy Castle and siege, Co. Cork, 

10, 110; described, 112. 
Dunboyne, 27. 

Du Noyer, G. V., drawings, 132. 
Dunruad, Black Ball, fort, Co. 
Cork, 9. 

Duntragha, Mayo, correction, 5. 
Dursey Island, Cork, 7 ; castle 
taken, 8. 


Edaoin, goddess at Beare Island, 

Earthworks, see Forts, Hollows, 

Eogan " Mog Nuadat," 14; and his 

race (Eoghanachta), 35, 41, 42. 
Escair, Brannan (Ardsallagh), 125. 
Excursions, 98, 192. 


Faunkill in the Woods, ogham, Co. 
Cork, 2. 

Fiadh mic Oenghusa Synod (1111), 

" Fire na blair " Eock, Beare, 4. 
FitzGerald, Maurice (1231), 185, see 

also Desmond and Gerald. 
FitzPatrick, Captain, notes, 14. 
Foillmore, Dooneen fort, Co. Cork, 


Font, St. Peter's, Drogheda, 77. 
Forts, Beare, 1; Bantry and Muin- 

tervara, 101; Mondellihy, 183; 

Sleman, 133. 
" Franciscan Studies," notice of, 



Gairech, battle, Gary, Co. West- 

meath, 136. 
Gallans, see Pillar stones. 
Garranes, Dooneen fort, Beare, 9. 
George's Head fort, Co. Clare, 109. 

I Gerald, of Windsor, 122-124. 

Gouladoo fort, Bantry, Co. Cork, 
I 105, 106. 

Hamilton, G. E. (late), paper by, 

Harness of State coaches, 58. 

Hollows, artificial, 141. 

Hungry Hill, Knockdayd, and St. 

Brendan, 1. 
Hunting scene, carving, 130. 


Ilgairech battle, Westmeath, 133. 
Inquisition on Black Abbey, Co. 

Down, 175-177. 
"Ireland Under the Normans," III. 

and IV., review, 81. 
" Iron Cat," carving, Kilcatierin, 



Judas Iscariot, legends of, 147. 


Kilcatierin, Beare, Co. Cork, 
church and ring wall, 2, 3. 

Killovenoge, see Einn Point. 

Knockadoon Warren, fort, Co. 
Cork, 109. 


Latimer, Rev. H. W., obituary, 

" Latin and Irish Lives of Ciaran," 

review, 186. 
Lawlor, H. J., Litt.D., notice of his 

work, 186. 
" Leac na Cineamhoine," 7. 
Lett, Rev. H., obituary, 94. 
Library report, 96. 
Limerick Co., antiquities, 180, 181, 

183; Coins, 180. 
Longevity, alleged, 46, 47. 


Macalister, R. A. S., Litt.D., note 
by, 77; notice of his work, 186. 

" Mac Carthy Mor, pedigree," 32- 

Mac Geoghegan, 79. 
Mac Goghegan defends Dunboy, 

McNeill, Charles, paper by, 152-164. 
Magnus, King of Norway, 116. 
" Maqi DececTdas," ogham, 2. 
Meath Co., antiquities in, 125; 

coins, 78. 
Members, list of elected, 86, 189-91. 



Mines in Beare, Co. Cork, 5, 10. 
Mondellihy, conjoined rings, Co. 

Limerick, 183. 
Mounds at Slanemore, Westmeath, 


Muintervara peninsula, Co. Cork, 

antiquities, 101-107. 
Munro, Dr. Robert, obituary, 93. 
" Murchertach O'Brien, High King 

of Ireland," 116-124. 
Murtagh, Luke (1723), tomb, 132. 


Naas, barons of, 70. 

Nangle (De Angulo) family in Co. 

Meath, 125. 
Newgate prison, Dublin, 152. 


O'Brien family, 34, 36, 37; Mur- 
chertach, High King of Ireland, 
and his Norman son-in-law, 116. 

O'Connor, Sligo, 19; pedigree, 31; 
monument, 21-26. 

O'Conor, Turlogh (1130), 34. 

O'Daly, bards, of Muintervara and 
Finnevara, 103. 

O'Donoghue family, 32. 

O'Driscoll family, 8. 

Ogham stones, 2, 3, 77. 

O'Neill family, 170. 

Orpen, Dr. G. H., notice of his 
works, 68-76, 81. 

O'Sullivan Beare, 3, 32, 110. 


Pedigrees, O'Connor, Sligo, 31; 
Mac Carthy Mor, 32, 33, 47 ; fic- 
titious, 34. 

Peist, or monster, 9. 

Pillars, mark a pass, 6, 9, see also 
ogham; dances round, 14; 
Skeagh, 137. 

Plans, 2, 3, 4, 12, 15, 104, 115, 127, 
156, 163, 166. 

Plunkett, Archbishop, Oliver, 164. 

Prisons, 155. 

Proceedings of Society, 85-99, 189- 

Promontory forts, 1, 101; list of in 

three southern provinces, 112. 
" Puritans in Ireland," 82. 


Ratoath, Meath, 68. 

" Records, guide to the, deposited 

in the Public Record Office," note 

of, 83. 

Ring, bronze signet, 79. 

Rinn Point, Carew's camp, Co. 

Cork, 103. 
Rochestown fort, Co. Cork, 106, 114. 


Saints, carvings of, 18, 19. 

" St. Bernard of Clairvaux's Life 
of St. Malachy," review, 186. 

St. Malachy of Armagh, St. Ber- 
nard's Life of, review, 186. 

" St. Patrick, his Writings and 
Life," review, 186. 

St. John's Hospital, Limerick, 180. 

Sciach, daughter of Deagath, 138. 

Serle family, arms, 78. 

Seymour, Rev. St. J. D., notice of 
his work, 82; paper by, 147. 

Shaw, T. J., paper by, 133. 

Ships captured at Dursey, 8. 

Sigurd, " Jerusalem farer," 122. 

" Slemain Midhe, some notes re- 
garding," 133-146. 

Sliocht Finneen Dubh, 44. 

" Sligo Abbey, carved altar and 
mural monuments," 17. 

Spaniards at Dunboy, 111. 

Stokes, H., obituary, 95. 

Stones, circles of, 2. 

Strickland, W. G., paper by, 49-67; 
notes by, 78, 79. 

Sword, magic, of Leta the Sid, 142. 


Tain bo Cuailgne, places named in 

Westmeath, 133-146. 
" Thunder holes," 9. 
" Toranias," name on ogham 

stone, 2. 
Treasure trove, 78. 


Ui Eachach, 34, 35. 

Ulster, Earldom of, 68, see Tain bo 

Ultonians, 138. 


Vipont, Robert de, 71. 


Westmeath, places named in, in 
Tain bo Cuailgne, 133, 146. 

Westropp, T. J., papers by, 1, 101; 
notes by, 182-183. 

Wexford Co., 77. 

White, Rev.. Newport J. D., D.D., 

notice of his work, 186. 
Wishing stone, 7. 

Wood, Herbert, notice of his work, 


Youghal, Franciscans of, 185. 

The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 

Hon. Provincial Secretaries, 1021 


Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a., Dublin. 


The Rev. Canon Moore, m.a., 30 Clarinda Park, W., Kingstown. 

Robert M. Young, m.r.i.a., Belfast. 

Edward Martyn, Tulyra Castle, Ardrahan. 
Richard J. Kelly, k.c, j.p., Tuam. 

Hon. Local Secretaries 

Antrim, North 
,, South 
Belfast City 

„ City 
Down, North . 


Gal-way, North 

Kerry . 



King's County 



Londonderry . 


Louth . 




Queen's County 



Tipperary, South 


W at er ford ; 






W. A. Traill, m.a. 

W. J. Knowles, m.r.i.a. 

# # * # 

R. M. Young, m.r.i.a. 
Rev. J. Coyle, p.p. 
Rev. J. Meehan, c.c. 
Col. John W. Macnamara. 
The Q'Donovan, m.a., d.l. 
Rev. P. Power, m.r.i.a. 

# * * * 

Col. Berry. 

F. J. Bigger, m.r.i.a. 

William C. Stubbs, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

John Cooke, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

Lady Dorothy Lowry Corry. 

T. B. Costello, m.d. 

Miss Redington. 

B. McMahon Coffey, m.d. 

Lord Walter FitzGerald, m.r.i.a 

M. M. Murphy, m.r.i.a. 

Mrs. Tarleton. 

H. J. B. Clements, d.l., m.r.i.a. 

J. Grene Barry, d.l. 

E. M. F. G. Boyle, m.r.i.a. 

J. M. Wilson, d.l. 

Joseph Dolan. 

Rev. T. T. Reidy. 

Ven. Archdeacon Healy, ll.d. 

D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 

Rev. Edward O'Leary, p.p. 

O'Conor Don. 

# ■ * * 

Rev. St. John Seymour, 
Rev. James J. Ryan. 
Rev. J. Rapmund. 
Beverley G. Ussher. 
Rev. Patrick Power, m. 
Thomas J. Shaw. 
Henry A. S. Upton, m.r.i.a. 
Dr. G. E. J. Greene, m.r.i.a., f.l. 


.R.I. A. 


Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 

192 1 


M. J. McENERY, m.r.i.a. 


Rev. J. L. Robinson, m.a., m.r.i.a. 
Herbert Wood, b.a., m.r.i.a. 
Richard Langrishe. 
John Cooke., m.r.i.a. 

D. Carolan Rushe, b.a. 
Charles McNeill. 
A. Robinson. 

Sir Lucas White King, c.s.i. 


G. D. Burtchaell, m.a., ll.b. 

H. Bantry White, i.s.o. 
William W. A. Fitzgerald. 
E. C. R. Armstrong, f.s.a. 

T. B. Costello, m.d. 
Sir William Fry, d.l. 
O'Conor Don. 
R. A. S. Macalister, 

F.S.A. , LITT.D. 

Hon. General Secretary 

W. G. Strickland, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

Hon. Treasurer 

E. J. French, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 


Mrs. M. A. Hutton. 

P. J. O'Reilly. 

Colonel R. Claude Cane. 

J. P. Dalton, M.A., M.R.I.A. 

Lord Walter FitzGerald, m.r.i.a. 

T. G. H. Green, m.r.i.a. 

H. S. Crawford, m.r.i.a. 

H. G. Leask. 

David A. Chart, m.r.i.a. 
Thomas U. Sadleir, m.r.i.a. 
William Cotter Stubbs, m.r.i.a. 
P. J. Lynch, m.r.i.a. 
T. P. Le Fanu, c.b., m.r.i.a. 
William F. Butler, m.r.i.a. 
Rev. H. J. Lawlor, d.d., litt.d. 

Note. — The names of Vice-Presidents and Council are arranged according to dates of election. 
The names first on the list retire first. 

Past Presidents who are ex-officio Members of Council 

Count Plunkett, k.c.h.s., m.r.i.a. 
Thomas J. Westropp, m.a., m.r.i.a. 

Honorary Librarians 

W. G. Strickland. 
H. S. Crawford.' 

Keeper of Prints and Photographs 

H. S. Crawford. 

Auditors of Accounts (for 1021) 

Robert Nicol. 
William Chamney. 


Miss N. Kenny, 63 Merrion Square, Dublin. 

The Provincial Bank of Ireland, Ltd., 12 St. Stephen's Green, Dublin. 

The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 

This Society, instituted to preserve, examine, and illustrate the Ancient Monuments 
of the History, Language, Arts, Manners and Customs of the past as connected with 
Ireland, was founded as the Kilkenny Archaeological Society in 1849. On 27th December, 
1869, Queen Victoria was graciously pleased to order that it be called The Royal 
Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, and was further pleased to 
sanction the adoption of the title of The Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland on 
the 25th March, 1890. The Society was erected into an Incorporated Society by Royal 
Charter in 1912. 

Four General Meetings of the Society are held each year, in Dublin or elsewhere 
in Ireland, at which Papers on Historical and Archaeological subjects are read, Fellows 
and Members elected, objects of Antiquity exhibited, and excursions made to places 
of antiquarian interest. The Council meets monthly in Dublin. Evening Meetings of 
the Society are also held in Dublin during the Winter. Honorary, Provincial and Local 
Secretaries are appointed, whose duty it is to inform the Secretary of discoveries of 
Antiquarian Remains in tJieir districts, to investigate Local History and Traditions, 
and to give notice of ail injury likely to be inflicted on Monuments of Antiquity and 
Ancient Memorials of the Dead, in order that the influence of the Society may be 
exerted to preserve them. 

The Publications of the Society comprise the Half-yearly Journal and the " Extra 
Volume " Series. The " Antiquarian Handbook " Series was begun in 1895, and seven 
handbooks have been published. 

The Journal, from the year 1849 onwards contains a great mass of information on 
the History and Antiquities of Ireland, with thousands of illustrations. Nearly fifty 
volumes have been issued. 

The - following -" Extra Volumes," which were^supplied free to all Fellows on the 
roll at date of issue, may still be obtained : — 

1874 — " Christian Inscriptions in the Irish Language." Edited by Miss M. 
Stokes. (With Illustrations and Plates.) Two Vols. Cloth, £1 10s. Od. 

1891— " The Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, 1337-1346, with 

the Middle-English Moral Play, The Pride of Life." Edited by James 
Mills, m.r.i.a. (With facsimile of original MS.) In sheets, folded, 7s. 6d. 

1892 — " Antiquarian Remains of the Island of Innismurray. By W. F. Wakeman, 

Hon. F.R.s.A. (With Map and 84 Illustrations.) In sheets, 5s. 
1895 — " The Annals of Clonmacnois," being Annals of Ireland from the earliest 

period to a.d. .1408. Edited by the Rev. Denis Murphy, s.J., ll.d., 

m.r.i.a. In sheets, folded, 7s. 6d. 
1897 — " The Register of the Diocese of Dublin in the times of Archbishop Tregury 

and Walton, a.d. 1467-1483." Edited by Henry F. Berry, m.a. Paper, 

10 s. 

1901 — " The Index to the First Nineteen Volumes of the Journal for the years 

1849-1889, inclusive." Complete in Three Parts. Paper, 10s. 6d. 
1908.—" Memorial Slabs of Clonmacnois." By R, A. Stewart Macalister, m.a., 

f.s.a., litt.d. (With Illustrations.) Cloth, 10s. 
1915—" Index to the Journal, Vols. XXI. -XL,, 1890-1—1910." By General 

Stubbs and William Cotter Stubbs, m.r.i.a. Paper, 10s. 6d. ; Cloth, 

12s. 6d. 

1916^-" The Gormanston Register." Edited by James Mills, i.s.o., m.r.i.a., 

and M. J. M'Enery, m.r.i.a. Cloth, 10s. 
1919 — " Southern Fingal; being the sixth part of a History of County Dublin." By 

F. Elrington Ball, litt.d., m.r.i.a. Paper, 12s. 6d. 

The following of the Society's Handbooks and Guides can also be had : 

£ s. d. 

Islands and Coasts of Ireland (in Buckram) 3 6 

Islands and Coasts of Scotland (in paper) 3 6 

Antiquities of Limerick and Neighbourhood (in cloth) 4 6 

Isle of Man, Athione, Belfast Is., or post free 13 
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Printed by John Falconer, 53 Upper Sachville Street, Dublin. 



DEC 99